肯尼迪就职演讲稿（中英文）（通用4篇）
星期五,1961年1月20日
首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民：
今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端，表示了一种更新，也表示了一种变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。现在的世界已大不相同了，人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利井非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。
今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。
让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落——为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。
这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证。
对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无在而下胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵下休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。
对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由——而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地骑在虎背上谋求权力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告终。对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贪困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽量大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间——之所以这样做，并不是因为共产篇二：肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)肯尼迪总统就职演说（1961年1月20日）
inaugural address of john f.kennedyjanuary 20, 1961 vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens: 约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们： we observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.我们今天所看到的，并非是某一党派的胜利，而是自由的庆典。它象征着结束，亦象征着开始；意味着更新，亦意味着变化。因为我已在你们及万能的上帝面前，依着我们先辈175年前写下的誓言宣誓。
今天，我们不敢有忘，我们乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此时，让这个声音从这里同时向我们的朋友和敌人传达：火炬现已传递到新一代美国人手中——他们生于本世纪，既经受过战火的锤炼，又经历过艰难严峻的和平岁月的考验。他们深为我们古老的遗产所自豪——决不愿目睹或听任诸项人权受到无形的侵蚀，这些权利不仅为这个国家始终信守不渝，亦是我们正在国内和世界上誓死捍卫的东西。
let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.让每一个国家都知道，无论它们对我们抱有善意还是恶意，我们都准备付出任何代价、承受任何重任、迎战任何艰险、支持任何朋友、反对任何敌人，以使自由得以维系和胜利。this much we pledge--and more.这是我们矢志不移的承诺，且远不止此！
to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.对于那些与我们共享同一文化和精神源头的老朋友，我们许以朋友的忠诚。在许许多多的合作事业中，我们会尽己所能以促进我们的团结，而决不故意制造分裂，因为我们不敢轻易面对由分歧或体系崩溃而导致的巨大挑战。remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.对于那些新成立的国家，我们欢迎它们加入自由阵营，并在此许以忠告：某种形式的殖民控制决不会仅仅因为被另一种更为残酷的霸权所取代就消声匿迹。我们不会期待他们始终支持我们的观点，但我们希望他们能始终坚定地维护他们自己的自由——并且牢记，在过去，那些愚蠢地骑上独裁的虎背以谋求权力的人最终都以葬身虎腹而告终。
对于那些寄居于大半个地球上的草舍村落、为着挣脱无尽苦难的枷锁而奋斗的人民，我们承诺将尽我们最大的努力，以使他们获得自助的能力。因为这是时代对我们提出的要求——不是因为共～产～党人可能如此行事、不是因为我们需要他们的选票，仅仅是因为这样做是正当的。
if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.如果一个自由的社会不能帮助贫穷的多数，它就不能拯救那富裕的少数。
对于我们的南部邻邦共和国，我们许以特殊的承诺：将我们的良言转为善行，在为了进步而结成的新盟邦里，帮助自由的人民和自由的政府摆脱贫困。但这一希翼中的和平革命不能成为敌对势力的牺牲品，让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们一道，反对发生在美洲任何地区的侵略和颠覆。
and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.让所有其他势力都知道，这一半球的人民致力于维护他们作为自己家园主人的地位。
对于那个主权国家的世界性会议组织——联合国，我们最后一次良好祝愿是发生在战争机器远远超过和平机器的时代。为了防止它沦为仅仅用来谩骂攻讦的论坛，为了加强它对新成立国家及弱小国家的保障功能、为了扩展其权力涵盖的领域，我们现在重申对它的支持承诺。finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace--before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.最后，对于那些主动站到我们敌对面的国家，我们提出的不是许诺，而是恳求：在被科学释放出的、黑暗的破坏力量以有计划的或偶然性的自我毁灭方式吞噬全人类之前，恳求双方再一次地开始谋求和平的努力。
我们不敢以软弱诱惑它们，因为只有当我们的军备充足到确切无疑的程度时，我们才能确切无疑地肯定它们永远不会被投入使用。但这两个强大的国家集团都无法从彼此当前的做法中得到安慰——双方都背负了过高的现代武器系统的成本、双方都理所当然地对致死性原子武器的持续扩散感到惊恐不安，但双方都竞相改变不确定的恐怖均衡，这种均衡恰恰抑制了人类最后摊牌的冲动。
let us never negotiate out of fear.but let us never fear to negotiate.让我们永远不要因为惧怕而谈判，让我们永远不要惧怕谈判。let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.让双方探寻那些能将我们团结在一起的因素，而不是那些刻意挑出那些分裂我们的因素。let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.让双方首先提出认真细致的方案来核查及控制军备，并将毁灭其他国家的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。
让双方努力去激发科学的奇迹，而非科学的恐怖。让我们一同探索星空、征服沙漠、消除疾病、开发海洋深处，鼓励艺术和商业。
让双方在世界每一个角落，都共同信守《圣经．以赛亚书》中的教诲——“卸下重负„„让被压迫者自由。”
and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor--not a new balance of power, but a new world of law--where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.如果合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑，让双方携手进行新的努力——不是为了建立新的势力均衡，而是为了建立新的规则体系——以使强者正义，弱者安全，和平维系 all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days;nor in the life of this administration;nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.but let us begin.所有这些工作将不会在从现在起的一百天、一千天内完成，也不会在本届行政分支任期内完成，甚至可能不会在我们的有生之年完成，但是，请让我们现在开始工作。
in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.我的同胞们，我们事业的最终成败将掌握在你们的手中而不仅仅是我的手中。从这个国家被创建那天起，每一代美国人都被召唤去证实自己对国家的忠诚。那些响应号召献身国家的年轻美国人的安息之所遍布全球。
can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort? 为了反对这些敌人，我们能够将南方与北方、东方与西方团结起来，熔铸成一个伟大的和全球性的联盟，以确保全人类得享更为成果累累的生活吗？你们愿意参与这项历史性的努力吗？ 在世界历史的长河里，只有少数几代人被赋予了在自由面临最大危机时捍卫自由的使命，我不会畏缩于这一责任——我欢迎它！我也不相信我们中的任何人会愿意与其他国家的人民或其他世代的人民易地而处。我们在这场努力中所倾注的精力、信念和奉献将照耀我们的国家以及所有为之献身的人，火焰所放射出的光芒必将普照全世界。
and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.所以，我的美国同胞们，不要问你的国家为你做了什么，而应问你能为你的国家做些什么。my fellow citizens of the world, ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.我的世界同胞们，不要问美国将为你做些什么，而应问我们应该一起为了全人类的自由做些什么finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.最后，无论是美国公民还是世界其他国家的公民，请用我们要求于你们的关于力量和牺牲的高标准来要求我们，本着我们唯一可以指望有所回报的善意良知，依着能最终裁决我们功业的历史，让我们着手领导我们所热爱的国家，在祈求神的赐福和神的帮助的同时，也能深切体认，在这片土地上，神的工作必定也是我们自己所应承担的使命。篇三：肯尼迪就职演讲-中英对照-完美翻译-经典名句
vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens: we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着更新，也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。
现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与，而是上帝所赐。
we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been 我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶，以我们的古代传统自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移，当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.让每一个国家知道，不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏，我们将付出任何代价，忍受任何重负，应付任何艰辛，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的存在与实现。this much we pledge--and more.这是我们矢志不移的事－－而且还不止此。
to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦，我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结，则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂，我们则无可作为，因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下，是不敢应付强大挑战的。
对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家，我们要提出保证，绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后，却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点，但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由，并应记取，在过去，那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人，结果却被虎所吞噬。
对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们，我们保证尽最大努力助其自救，不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做，也不是由于我们要求他们的选票，而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就不能保全那少数的富人。shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas.and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证：要把我们的美好诺言化作善行，在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己会管。
至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会，在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中，它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言；不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛，加强其对于新国弱国的保护，并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。
finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.最后，对于那些与我们为敌的国家，我们所要提供的不是保证，而是要求：双方重新着手寻求和平，不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使
全人类沦于自我毁灭。we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可臵疑地壮大时，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。
可是这两个强有力的国家集团，谁也不能对当前的趋势放心－－双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担，双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇，可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡，而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。
(John F.Kennedy)Jan.2o, 1961.Brief introduction to the speaker: John F.Kennedy(1917-1963)John F.Kennedy was a war hero, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author, a U.S.senator for most of the 1950s.in November 1960, at the age of 43, John F.he became the youngest man ever elected president of the United States.on Nov.22, 1963, Kennedy was shot to death in Dallas, Tex., the fourth United States president to die by an assassin’s bullet..*******************************************************************************
We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom.Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signify-ing renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn betbre you,and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The worried is very different now for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life.And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue around the globe.The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first, revolution.Let the word go forth, from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which.we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty
This much we pledge and more.To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do.For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny We sha1l not always expect to tind them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it ‘s cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into, good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist, free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile power s.Let al our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere ill the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last and best hope in an age age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which it’s written and run.Finally to those nations who would make themselves our adversary we offer not a pledge, but a request, that both sides begin a new quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness, for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nation take comfort from our present course, both sides over-burdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, and yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.So let us begin aneW remembering on both sides that stability is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us, instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals, for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together, let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah, to rsndo the herrny brrrdens rrnd let the oppressed go hee.And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor not a new balance of powen but a new world of law, whel-e the strong are just, and the weak secured, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundrcd days, nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifietime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty The graves of young Americans, who answered the caI1 to service, surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a cal1 to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long, twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny poverty disease, and war itself
Can we forge against these enemies, a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people, or any other generation.The energy the faith, the devotion, which we bring to this endeavor, will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do lbr the iieedom of men.Finally whether you are citizens of A1nerica, or citizens of the world, ask of us here, the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.Wth a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the Iand we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own.火炬已经传给新一代美国人
（约翰.肯尼迪）1961.1.20
演讲者简介：
约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，五十年代大部分时间里的参议员。1960年的11月，年仅43岁的他成为美国历史选择产生的最年轻的总统。1963年11月22日他在德克萨斯州的达拉斯遇刺身亡，是美国历史上第四位死于暗杀者的子弹的总统。
**********************************************************************************
今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味看变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。
今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪—他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。
让每个国家都知道—不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落—为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。
这些就是我们的保证—而且还有更多的保证。
对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成—因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。
对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们恪守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由—而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。
对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间---之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。
对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证---在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。
对联合国，主权国家的世界性议事机构，我们在战争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。
最后，对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和平。
我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备。
但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰---发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势。
因此，让我们双方重新开始—双方都要牢记，礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有待于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。
让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。
让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。
让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深海，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。
让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令---“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”（注：《圣经·旧约全书·以塞亚书》第58章6节。）
如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全、和平将得到维护。
所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。
公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。
现在，号角已再次吹响---不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人---专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。
为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？
在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。
因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么、而要问你们能为国家做些什么。
全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些计人，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。
president hoover mister chief justice, my friends: this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeis.this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper so first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties.they concern, thank god, only material things.values have shrunken to fantastic levels;taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiiment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade;the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return.only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.and yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts.compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it.plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated.practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.they only know the rules of a generation of self seekers.they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiiization.we may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths.a measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing.small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance.without them it cannot live.
范文网
我们最大的恐惧，不是我们的不足；
我们最大的恐惧，是我们有无穷的力量。
是我们的光芒不是我们的黑暗让我们惶恐。
我们会问：我是谁能配得上拥有这样非凡的才智、惊人的艳丽？ 其实，你为什么不可以？
你是神的孩子，你故作卑微，不足以服务这个世界；
你的畏缩，不能引领他人，让你周边的人感到安慰。我们出生是为了彰显上帝在我们心里面的荣耀，这份荣耀不是在某些人心里面，它是在每个人的心中； 当我们让自己光芒四射时，我们就不经意地容许他人做同样的事； 当我们从自己的恐惧中释放出来时，我们的存在也自动地解放了其他人。篇二：1994年南非总统尼尔森曼德拉就职演讲
1994年南非总统尼尔森曼德拉就职演讲 our deepest fear is not that we are inadequate.our deepest fear is that we are powerful beyond measure.we ask ourselves, who am i to be ？brilliant, gorgeous, talented, fabulous? actually, who are you not to be? we were born to make manifest the glory of god that is within us.and as we let our own light shine, we unconsciously give other people permission to do the same.from nelson mandela inauguration speech, 1994 我们最深的恐惧不是能力不够，我们最深的恐惧是能力超越了界限。扪心自问，我们想成为什么样的人？智者，天才，名人，伟人，事实上，哪一样你不能做到呢？我们生来就是为了证明上帝赋予了我们荣光，而我们让自己发出光芒，在不知不觉中，也感染了他人。(此版本为cctv6播放的中文配音版本的对应台词)我们最恐惧的不是我们做不到，我们最恐惧的是我们的能力无法估量，我们扪心自问，我是不是聪明的慷慨的，才华横溢和出类拔萃的？事实上你为什么不能这样呢？我们生来就是为了证明，上帝的光芒在我们身上，而我们让自己发出光芒，我们不知不觉中也赋予别人这样做的权利。篇三：纳尔逊·曼德拉语录 i have fought against white domination, and i have fought against black domination.i have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony with equal opportunities.it is an ideal which i hope to live for, and to see realised.but my lord, if needs be, it is an ideal for which i am prepared to die.”
“我已经把我的一生奉献给了非洲人民的斗争，我为反对白人种族统治进行斗争，我也为反对黑人专制而斗争。我怀有一个建立民主和自由社会的美好理想，在这样的社会里，所有人都和睦相处，有着平等的机会。我希望为这一理想而活着，并去实现它。但如果需要的话，我也准备为它献出生命。”
——1964年，曼德拉被判终身监禁时的声明 我们通往自由之路是不可逆转的，我们不能让恐惧挡住道路，非种族化、团结民主的南非的普选权是和平及种族和谐的唯一途径。
——1990年2月11日，曼德拉出狱演讲 we enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all south africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity--a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.我们立下誓约，要建立一个让所有南非人，不论是黑人还是白人，都可以昂首阔步的社会。他们心中不再有恐惧，他们可以肯定自己拥有不可剥夺的人类尊严——这是一个在国内及与其他各国之间都保持和平的美好国度。
——1994年的曼德拉总统就职演说
“death is something inevitable.when a man has done what he considers to be his duty to his people and his country, he can rest in peace.i believe i have made that effort and that is, therefore, why i will sleep for the eternity.”
人固有一死。当一个人已经完成他对人民和国家的应尽义务之后，他便能安息。我已尽我所能，正因如此，我也能够安然长眠。
——1994年的曼德拉纪录片采访
“i was called a terrorist yesterday, but when i came out of jail, many people embraced me, including my enemies, and that is what i normally tell other people who say those who are struggling for liberation in their country are terrorists.i tell them that i was also a terrorist yesterday, but, today, i am admired by the very people who said i was one.”
我曾被叫做恐怖分子，但当我出狱之时，许多人拥抱我，包括我的敌人。我常常如此告诉那些把为自己国家的解放而奋斗者称作恐怖分子的人，我也曾被称为恐怖分子，但如今，那些称我为恐怖分子的人尊重我。
——2000年5月16日在电视节目“拉里?金沟通现场”上的讲话
“what counts in life is not the mere fact that we have lived.it is what difference we have made to the lives of others that will determine the significance of the life we lead.”
生命的意义不仅是活着，而是我们给别人的生命带来了何种不同，这决定了我们人生的意义。——2002年5月18日于南非约翰内斯堡庆祝90岁生日演说
“education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.”
教育是最强有力的武器，你能用它来改变世界。
——2003年在南非威特沃特斯兰德大学的讲话
“for to be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others.”
无人生来会因肤色、背景、宗教而憎恨他人，憎恨是人们后天习得的。如果人们能学会恨，他们也能被教会去爱。因为对于人的心灵来说，爱比恨来的更加自然。
要想与敌人求和平，就需与敌人合作，然后他就会变成你的伙伴。
“the brave man is not he who does not feel afraid, but he who conquers that fear.”
勇者并非指那些不感到害怕的人，而是那些能克服自身恐惧的人。
——曼德拉自传《漫漫自由路》 after climbing a great hill, one only finds that there are many more hills to climb.当我们爬上一座高山时，我们会发现更多的高山。2.education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.教育是你可以用来改变世界的最强大的武器。3.for to be free is not merely to cast off ones chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others.拥有自由并不仅仅意味着摆脱自身的枷锁，而且还意味着以一种尊重和提升他人自由的方式生活。4.i learned that courage was not the absence of fear, but the triumph over it.the brave man is not he who does not feel afraid, but he who conquers that fear.我认为拥有勇气并不代表没有恐惧，而是战胜恐惧。因此勇敢者并非没有畏惧心理的人，而是征服畏惧心理的人。5.if you talk to a man in a language he understands, that goes to his head.if you talk to him in his language, that goes to his heart.如果你以一种外语和一个人交流，你的话只是进入他的大脑；如果你以他的母语和他交流，你的话深入他的内心。
如果你想与你的敌人友好相处，你必须和他工作。然后他会成为你的伙伴。
在我的国家我们通常先坐牢然后当总统。8.let there be work, bread, water and salt for all.但愿普天下所有的人有工作、面包、水和盐。9.the greatest glory in living lies not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall.活着最大的荣耀不在于从不摔倒，而在于每一次绊倒后再爬起来。10.we must use time wisely and forever realize that the time is always ripe to do right.我们必须明智地利用时间，永远要认识到想做正义的事时间总是成熟的 money wont create success, the freedom to make it will.创造成功，靠的不是金钱，而是拥有创造成功的自由。nelson mandela never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another.这片美丽的土地将永远、永远、永远不会再经历人对人的压迫。nelson mandela only free men can negotiate;prisoners cannot enter into contracts.your freedom and mine cannot be separated.只有自由的人才能谈判，身陷牢笼的人没有谈判的资格。你们的自由和我的自由是不可分割的。nelson mandela there can be no keener revelation of a societys soul than the way in which it treats its children.知晓一个社会的灵魂，就看这个社会对待小孩的方式，除此以外，没有更好的办法。
nelson mandela there is no easy walk to freedom anywhere, and many of us will have to pass through the valley of the shadow of death again and again before we reach the mountaintop of our desires.自由之路从不平坦，我们中的许多人都不得不一次又一次地穿过死神笼罩的山谷，才能抵达愿望的顶峰。
nelson mandela there is no passion to be found playing small-in settling for a life that is less than the one you are capable of living.本来能过得更精彩的生活，却勉强接受现状，满足于个人的生活，这毫无激情可言。nelson mandela there is no such thing as part freedom.不存在部分自由之说。
nelson mandela there is nothing like returning to a place that remains unchanged to find the ways in which you yourself have altered.回到一个未曾改变的地方，发现自己已经改变，没有什么这更美妙。nelson mandela we must use time wisely and forever realize that the time is always ripe to do right.我们必须明智地利用时间，必须永远意识到，主持公平正义的时机已经成熟。nelson mandela when the water starts boiling it is foolish to turn off the heat.水刚煮沸就关火，这很愚蠢。nelson mandela篇四：奥巴马在纪念曼德拉的演讲 中英文
奥巴马在曼德拉追悼会上的演讲 thank you.(applause.)thank you so much.thank you.to gra?a machel and the mandela family;to president zuma and members of the government;to heads of states and government, past and present;distinguished guests--it is a singular honor to be with you today, to celebrate a life like no other.to the people of south africa--(applause)--people of every race and walk of life--the world thanks you for sharing nelson mandela with us.his struggle was your struggle.his triumph was your triumph.your dignity and your hope found expression in his life.and your freedom, your democracy is his cherished legacy.it is hard to eulogize any man--to capture in words not just the facts and the dates that make a life, but the essential truth of a person--their private joys and sorrows;the quiet moments and unique qualities that illuminate someone’s soul.how much harder to do so for a giant of history, who moved a nation toward justice, and in the process moved billions around the world.“i am not a saint,” he said, “unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying.” it was precisely because he could admit to imperfection--because he could be so full of good humor, even mischief, despite the heavy burdens he carried--that we loved him so.he was not a bust made of marble;he was a man of flesh and blood--a son and a husband, a father and a friend.and that’s why we learned so much from him, and that’s why we can learn from him still.for nothing he achieved was inevitable.in the arc of his life, we see a man who earned his place in history through struggle and shrewdness, and persistence and faith.he tells us what is possible not just in the pages of history books, but in our own lives as well.mandela showed us the power of action;of taking risks on behalf of our ideals.perhaps madiba was right that he inherited, “a proud rebelliousness, a stubborn sense of fairness” from his father.and we know he shared with millions of black and colored south africans the anger born of, “a thousand slights, a thousand indignities, a thousand unremembered moments?a desire to fight the system that imprisoned my people,”
he said.but like other early giants of the anc--the sisulus and tambos--madiba disciplined his anger and channeled his desire to fight into organization, and platforms, and strategies for action, so men and women could stand up for their god-given dignity.moreover, he accepted the consequences of his actions, knowing that standing up to powerful interests and injustice carries a price.“i have fought against white domination and i have fought against black domination.i’ve cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and [with] equal opportunities.it is an ideal which i hope to live for and to achieve.but if needs be, it is an ideal for which i am prepared to die.”(applause.)mandela taught us the power of action, but he also taught us the power of ideas;the importance of reason and arguments;the need to study not only those who you agree with, but also those who you don’t agree with.he understood that ideas cannot be contained by prison walls, or extinguished by a sniper’s bullet.he turned his trial into an indictment of apartheid because of his eloquence and his passion, but also because of his training as an advocate.he used decades in prison to sharpen his arguments, but also to spread his thirst for knowledge to others in the movement.and he learned the language and the customs of his oppressor so that one day he might better convey to them how their own freedom depend upon his.(applause.)mandela demonstrated that action and ideas are not enough.no matter how right, they must be chiseled into law and institutions.he was practical, testing his beliefs against the hard surface of circumstance and history.on core principles he was unyielding, which is why he could rebuff offers of unconditional release, reminding the apartheid regime that “prisoners cannot enter into contracts.and finally, mandela understood the ties that bind the human spirit.there is a word in south africa--ubuntu--(applause)--a word that captures mandela’s greatest gift: his recognition that we are all bound together in ways that are invisible to the eye;that there is a oneness to humanity;that we achieve ourselves by sharing ourselves with others, and caring for those around us.we can never know how much of this sense was innate in him, or how much was shaped in a dark and solitary cell.but we remember the gestures, large and small--introducing his jailers as honored guests at his inauguration;taking a pitch in a springbok uniform;turning his family’s heartbreak into a call to confront hiv/aids--that revealed the depth of his empathy and his understanding.he not only embodied ubuntu, he taught millions to find that truth within themselves.it took a man like madiba to free not just the prisoner, but the jailer as well--(applause)--to show that you must trust others so that they may trust you;to teach that reconciliation is not a matter of ignoring a cruel past, but a means of confronting it with inclusion and generosity and truth.he changed laws, but he also changed hearts.for the people of south africa, for those he inspired around the globe, madiba’s passing is rightly a time of mourning, and a time to celebrate a heroic life.but i believe it should also prompt in each of us a time for self-reflection.with honesty, regardless of our station or our circumstance, we must ask: how well have i applied his lessons in my own life? it’s a question i ask myself, as a man and as a president.the struggles that follow the victory of formal equality or universal franchise may not be as filled with drama and moral clarity as those that came before, but they are no less important.for around the world today, we still see children suffering from hunger and disease.we still see run-down schools.we still see young people without prospects for the future.around the world today, men and women are still imprisoned for their political beliefs, and are still persecuted for what they look like, and how they worship, and who they love.that is happening today.(applause.)we will never see the likes of nelson mandela again.but let me say to the young people of africa and the young people around the world--you, too, can make his life’s work your own.over 30 years ago, while still a student, i learned of nelson mandela and the struggles taking place in this beautiful land, and it stirred something in me.it woke me up to my responsibilities to others and to myself, and it set me on an improbable journey that finds me here today.and while i will always fall short of madiba’s example, he makes me want to be a better man.(applause.)he speaks to what’s best inside us.what a magnificent soul it was.we will miss him deeply.may god bless the memory of nelson mandela.may god bless the people of south africa.(applause.)译文：
谢谢诸位。（掌声）多谢诸位。谢谢你们。格拉萨·马谢尔及曼德拉的家人；祖马（zuma）篇五：曼德拉的演讲稿 94年就职演说
