cold的形容词

cold的形容词（通用4篇）

cold的形容词 篇1

Dear Mr Inman, I began by counting the days, then the month.I don't count on anything any more except the hope that you will return, and the silent fears that in the years since we saw each other, this war, this awful war, wil have changed us both beyond all reckoning.

影片一开始是艾达的独白, 她低沉的声音, 表达了对英曼的深深思念, 战争不知何时结束, 爱人不知何时归来, 甚至能否归来, 这些让她恐惧甚至有些绝望。

一只觅食的兔子跳跃着出现, 此时英曼正在南军的阵营里思念着艾达, 也许沉思的他想的不仅仅是艾达, 还有不知的未来。兔子又出现了, 士兵们争相捕捉, 可都没抓到。就在这时, 一个巨大的爆炸, 惨烈的肉博战开始了, 残酷、血腥、以及无数转瞬即逝的无辜生命。

“If it were enough, just to stand, withouthe words...”是重伤的英曼甜蜜的回忆吧, 初次相遇的他们羞涩无言, 犁地的他与弹琴的她, 一个不敢进门, 一个总是端着盘子, 似乎永不交集, 却总是制造着相遇。

“What if you are killed, and I'll never see you again?You said after a few years I would barely remember your name.Oh, Inman, it i more than three years and I remember you name.”If you are fighting, stop fighting.If you are marching, stop marching.Come back to me, come back to me is my request.不谙世事

艰辛的艾达, 父亲的离世让她几乎不能承受, 习惯了音乐与鲜花的生活, 不知道如何打理农场, 不知道如何解决温饱, 惟一能得到的慰藉, 就是对英曼的思念。她渴望英曼回来, 拯救她。

一片树林, 林中的一条小路, 一片空地, 一个人, 在前行, 还有那种受到催动, 却不知是该追随还是等待的感觉。在艰难的时世和旅程中, 两个相隔万重山水的情侣, 都不约而同地回忆起战前的相恋, 那些甜蜜的回忆、无尽的思念, 伴随他们走过孤独而绝望的岁月, 战胜恐惧与无助。当人性的恶在战火中暴露无遗, 惟有超越一切的爱才是抚平创伤的良药。英曼踏上了归程。不再保卫国家?不再悍卫正义?让我们抛开这些太过冠冕堂皇的理由, 一个战士的力量或许就来自于归家的渴望, 来自于对爱人的思念。

当女人在无望的等待中, 爱情究竟能有多大的精神力量, 当女人被环境逼迫到难以生存时, 她又将如何重建曾经信仰过的天堂?After so long, I know I must learn to survive on my own and accept you will not return.And ye I cannot, I cannot.

此时的艾达, 在思念的苦海中挣扎。鲁比出现了。I am not looking for money.I never cared for it and now it worth nothing.她强悍、豪爽, 两个性格反差巨大的女孩在这样一个特定的环境下走到了一起, 虽然鲁比的作风让艾达惊异, 但深深打动艾达的, 是她有一颗热情的心。尽管鲁比从未踏进过学校的大门, 只字不识, 甚至连自己的名字都不会写, 艾达却认为自己在她身上看到了一种闪光的东西, 有如钢铁击打燧石发出的火花一般闪亮耀目。在鲁比的帮助下, 艾达学会了如何去工作, 如何面对生活, 两颗伤痛的心因战争而互相温暖。

I like the boy who goes for wood in winter and comes back in spring with a whistle.How could a name...not even a real name...break your heart?It's her.She's the place I'm heading And I hardly know her, I hardly know her!And I just can't seem to get back to her.

英曼的归程决非一帆风顺。影片并没有刻意地表现战争的血腥, 但出现的每一个人物都有着不同的善恶, 是战争时代的生活缩影, 更是人性的真实展现, 那些被太多的哀伤所包围的温情时刻, 既真实, 又感人肺腑;淫贱的世相, 逐利的出卖, 残忍的温存, 朴实的相助和不息的渴望, 如一本光怪陆离的传奇, 在平静的叙述中却散发着无尽的忧愁与悲伤。

This world won't stand long, God won't let it stand this way long.面对斯旺吉一家的惨剧, 鲁比发出了怒吼。战争的残酷, 不仅仅是对人类家园的破坏, 更是远离战场的那个世界, 那个充满亲情、爱情、友情的世界所遭到的破坏。家园的重建, 与恶霸的周旋, 两个女人不会放弃。希望, 总在不远处。

穿越艰难险阻, 英曼回到了艾达身边。相见时候, 已是多年不见, 是时光的风尘几乎麻木了心灵, 还是来不及拥抱这突然到来的幸福……在温暖的木屋中紧紧相拥, 他们回忆着过去, 也诉说着彼此的纠结, 真爱就是如此值得等待。

I came back.临终前的英曼微笑着说出这句话。

It's having a thing and then the loss of it.当盲老人不愿付出任何代价去换取光明时, 他的这句话仿佛暗示了英曼的悲剧。但在英曼与艾达的爱情中, 却都有这样的信念:Asource of little visible delight, but necessary.

There are days now when I manage not to think of you, This time of year there's so much life everywhere, I find you in all of it.As if you were still walking home to me.If you could see us now this Easter day at Black Cove, you would know every step of your journey was worth it.

战争总会结束的。英曼的归程历经三年之多, 可是却像经历了长长的一生那么久。有人失去孩子, 有人得到已经失去的父亲, 有人得到爱人的延续, 看起来像什么都没变过, 他们还可以坐在那个温暖的午后喝下午茶, 吃甜甜的水果, 沐浴春风, 聊着家常, 拉着提琴唱着轻快节奏的歌, 伤疤就把它深深地掩埋起来。

一切终将归于安宁, 不论是爱情、生活, 还是我们的生命。只有爱, 能穿越黑暗, 重现光明。

参考文献

Sense of Cold 篇2

通常意义上，冷、热是相对的。温度是衡量物体冷热程度的物理量。我们感觉到的冷暖是相对我们周围的气温而言的。据说，人们穿三件贴身衣裤感觉比穿一件外套暖和，人的耳朵和鼻尖对寒冷很敏感。真是这样吗？

One feels warmer in the three pieces of underclothing than in the one thicker garment. What keeps one warm is not just the underclothing but the amount of air it keeps around the human body. Air is not a good conductor of heat. Three pieces of underclothing will hold three layers of air， whereas one piece， however thick it is， can hold only one layer which cannot， of course， keep so much heat， as three layers.

The ears and the tip of the nose are sensitive to cold， but not the pupils of the eyes. The sensation of cold or warmth in a human body is due to the receptivity of the points of sensation for cold and heat respectively， of which there are about 280，000 located in various parts of the human body. The points of sensation for cold are more concentrated over the ears， the tip of the nose， the waist， and the extremities of the four limbs， thus making those parts most sensitive to cold. The pupils of the eyes have no such points of sensation and consequently are least sensitive to cold.

cold的形容词 篇3

《It’s cold in winter》教学反思

这是五年级上册第5课It’s cold in winter第二课时的内容，主要讲内容是课文的学习和写作练习。这节课的教学过程流畅，教学思路也很清晰，整个教学内容的设计都是以学生的实际情况出发，由易到难，以点带面进行教学。如我在讲春天这个季节时，首先让学生从课文上找出描述关于春天的句子，并板书到黑板上，让学生一目了然，然后讲到秋天这个季节的时候，我就通过问答方式，让学生说说秋天。还可以讲讲夏天和冬天，并在多媒体课件上出示一些相关的单词或短语，供学生参考，让学生有话可说。同学们的积极发言，也收到了意想不到的效果。如：我问：What can you do in fall? 学生是这样回答的： 1.I can play PingPong. 2.I can play soccer. 3.I can go swimming. 等等。学生都很踊跃回答，打破先前课堂的那种沉默。最后一个环节是让学生站到讲台上与大家分享自己的写作成果，上台来讲的那几位同学，都分别描述了春天、夏天和秋天，而且语句也比较通顺，通过学生的展示，证明了本节课重难点突破的同时，也把整节课推上了高潮。其实我们老师的目的主要是能为学生搭建好一个平台，让每个学生都有机会去展示自己。

上完这节课后，我也认识到了自己在教学上的一些不足之处，如对学生的激励机制没有充分落实到位，学生在兴奋之余似乎并没有尝到太多的‘甜头’，即使老师的一个眼神或是一个会心的`微笑都会给学生带来自信的。还有就是在学习课文时对学生的要求指令不够清晰，由于借班上课，学生还不太熟悉老师的课堂用语习惯，没有听明白老师说的一些要求，因而我要求学生听课文时，他们都在埋头苦干了。我自身没有说明白，这点还是值得我注意的，无论学习什么知识，最主要还是要学生能听懂老师的要求，这也是一种听的能力，这对学习英语这门课是极其重要的。

cold的形容词 篇4

The Obama administrations eight years in office have failed to reset U.S.-Russia relations. Instead， they have moved toward a provocative and volatile new Cold War scenario， thereby increasing world tensions. With President Barack Obama now a lame duck and the U.S. presidential election imminent， international concern over Washingtons future direction is understandable.

At home， the election campaign took a bizarre turn as Democrats accused Donald Trump， the Republican candidate， of being proRussia and then raised the specter of Russian President Vladimir Putin lurking behind the U.S. political scene. What is really behind this hysteria and Cold War mentality？

Despite sweeping changes in the international system since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991， Washington has not been able to reset its own perspective and adjust to the emerging multipolar world. The old bipolar “us versus them” zero-sum thinking still drives U.S. foreign policy and outdated geopolitical strategies to contain the Eurasian landmass remain in place.

While Washington updates its rhetoric， the geopolitical policy fundamentals are unchanged. Todays containment， although called by new names such as “hedging，” “rebalancing，”and “pivoting，” parallels the old Cold War policy in terms of the military， diplomatic， economic， political， and psychological elements of power.

The level of nostalgia in Washington for the 19th century Great Game， which pitted the British Empire against the Russian Empire in Eurasia， seems to know no bounds. Since World War II， Americas foreign policy elite has imagined itself stepping into the former shoes of British imperialism to run the world as the supposedly “indispensable” nation.

Washingtons ideological confrontation continues in new forms. Russia no longer exports Marxism-Leninism， but the Obama administration has aggressively exported a“values agenda，” which includes the promotion of democracy and human rights as defined by Washington. This has led to chaos in the Middle East and North Africa.

The political and psychological elements of the old U.S. policy have simply been updated and repackaged for Obama. The United States has continued to promote a zero-sum bloc clash under the guise of “democracies versus non-democracies.”

Since 1991， Washington has sought to influence and alter Russias internal situation through various political and psychological means. Moscow， naturally， takes a dim view of activity which undermines state sovereignty， reading such efforts as an attempt to promote yet another “color revolution，” but this time in Russia itself.

The new Great Game

In the Obama years， Washingtons anti-Russia stance has been driven by a combination of old Cold War warriors， neoconservatives and human rights interventionists. Each of these policymaking groups， for its own reasons， promotes confrontation with Russia.

It seems forgotten today， but during the Bill Clinton years Washington engaged in some sharp-elbowed policies toward Russia. Geopolitics played a role in the U.S. oil and gas pipeline war against Russia and still does. Washington developed a new Great Game in central Asia directed at Russia.

Moscow has been concerned about diplomatic maneuvering and the use of U.S. force to contain Russia. Many Russian analysts see the increase of NATO member states as well as the global expansion of the NATO mission as a continuation of Cold War policy. As U.S. politicians called for the inclusion of Georgia and Ukraine in NATO， this perception was reinforced.

Then， the Obama administration， with aid behind the scenes from some Western European allies， launched the coup détat in the Ukraine. Washingtons provocations had reached a dangerous level indeed. Moscows logical response was to reincorporate Crimea and to take firm defensive measures along its western boundaries.

Obamas strategy in Central and Eastern Europe and confrontation with Russia were strongly influenced by the hawkish neoconservative policy network. Although neoconservatism， an American movement that advocates U.S. national interests and democracy internationally through the use of force if necessary， has been entrenched in the Democratic Party since the Truman years， it also has come to dominate Republican Party think-ing in recent decades.

U.S. moves to revive the Cold War in Europe are no surprise to observers familiar with neoconservative foreign policy. Although anti-Russia posturing is commonplace among neoconservatives， support for interference in the internal affairs of Central and Eastern European countries became active under the Obama administration.

The policy context， of course， was to confront Russia in areas of core interest in Central and Eastern Europe. In the case of Ukraine， the United States made no secret of spending over $5 billion during the past two decades to promote a color revolution and regime change. Hillary Clintons assistant Secretary of State for Europe and Eurasia， Victoria Nuland， publicly boasted about it in a speech in December 2013. Her husband， Robert Kagan， is a neoconservative policy network leader.

The Obama administration has used coercion in various forms in targeting Hungary and the Czech Republic. Hungary has been singled out for the outspoken leadership of President Viktor Orban and his Fidesz party. Washington objected to his independent foreign policy and to the development of economic and diplomatic relations perceived as too close to Russia and China. A particular sin was his support for the multinational South Stream pipeline project to bring natural gas from Russia to Central Europe.

Washingtons aggressive push for new ballistic missile defense systems in Europe and Asia has also reinforced Moscows perception of the hard power containment mentality of U.S. and NATO elites.

U.S. aggression in the Middle East was another trigger of Russian confrontation. The Syrian situation， which grew from the American destabilization of the Middle East and North Africa， is a case in point.

The American objective in Syria is regime change. To this end， Washington has directly and indirectly supported radical Islamist terror organizations who want to bring down the Assad government. This policy is being continued in the waning months of the Obama administration.

However， this reckless policy may have alarming consequences. In recent weeks， leading U.S. military figures publicly warned in Congress that an escalation of U.S. force in Syria to bring down the Assad government could lead to direct conflict between the United States and Russia. Although one hopes for restraint as the Obama administration fades into history， it is not guaranteed in the hysteria and delusion prevailing in Washington today.

So， where does this leave us？

Clearly， the United States and Russia have a huge interest in working together on a range of global issues. While mutual relations have fluctuated， both sides have usually found ways to cooperate. Even at the height of the Cold War， there was extensive diplomatic dialogue and fatal extremes were avoided.

Major power cooperation is essential to promote stability and development in this present era of rapid and far-reaching change. Pressing issues such as terrorism， organized crime， and nuclear proliferation demand attention. The trend of the times is the desire of the international community for peace and development.

The chill in U.S.-Russia relations may not be overcome soon if Obamas policies are continued by a Clinton administration. On the other hand， much to the ire of the U.S. foreign policy elites， Donald Trump has boldly stated that he would move to mend relations with Moscow.