卡梅伦北大演讲稿（共6篇）
PM’s speech at Beida University, China
A transcript of speech given by the Prime Minister at the Beida University in China on 9 November 2010.Introduction
Twenty five years ago I came to Hong Kong as a student.The year was 1985.Deng Xiaoping and Margaret Thatcher had recently signed the historic Joint Declaration.The remarkable story of the successful handover of Hong Kong and the great progress Hong Kong has continued to make is an example to the world of what can be achieved when two countries cooperate in confidence and with mutual respect.Since then, China has changed almost beyond recognition.China’s National Anthem famously calls on the people of China to stand up
Qi lai qi lai(stand up, stand up)
Today the Chinese people are not just standing up in their own country, they are standing up in the world.No longer can people talk about the global economy without including the country that has grown on average ten per cent a year for three decades.No longer can we talk about trade without the country that is now the world’s largest exporter and third largest importer
And no longer can we debate energy security or climate change without the country that is one of the world’s biggest consumer of energy.China is on course to reclaim, later this century, its position as the world’s biggest economy the position it has held for 18 of the last 20 centuries.and an achievement of which the Chinese people are justly proud.Put simply: China has re-emerged as a great global power.Threat or Opportunity
Now people can react to this in one of two ways.They can see China’s rise as a threat
or they can see it as an opportunity.They can protect their markets from China
or open their markets to China.They can try and shut China out
or welcome China in, to a new place at the top table of global affairs.There has been a change of Government in Britain and a change of Prime Minister.But on this vital point there is absolute continuity between my government and the Governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown.We want a strong relationship with China.Strong on trade.Strong on investment.Strong on dialogue.I made that clear as Leader of the Opposition when I visited Beijing and Chongqing three years ago.And I repeat it as Prime Minister here in China’s capital today.In the argument about how to react to the rise of China.I say it’s an opportunity.I choose engagement not disengagement.Dialogue not stand-off.Mutual benefit, not zero-sum game.Partnership not protectionism.Britain is the country that argues most passionately for globalisation and free trade.Free trade is in our DNA.And we want trade with China.As much of it as we can get.That’s why I have with me on this visit one of the biggest and most high-powered delegations a British Prime Minister has ever led to China.Just think about some of the prizes that the rise of China could help to bring within our grasp.Strong, and sustainable growth for the global economy.Vital progress on the Doha trade round which could add $170 billion to the global economy.A real chance to get back on track towards a legally binding deal on emissions
Unprecedented progress in tackling poverty.China has lifted 500 million people out of poverty in just thirty years.Although there is still a long way to go – that’s more people lifted out of poverty than at any time in human history.You can see the results right across this enormous country.When I worked in Hong Kong briefly in 1985, Shenzhen was barely more than a small town, surrounded by paddy fields and waterways.Today it is a city larger than London.It makes most of the world’s iPods and one in ten of its mobile phones.And there are other benefits too in tackling the world’s most intractable problems.I welcome the fact, for example, that more than 900 Chinese doctors now work in African countries and that in Uganda it is a Chinese pharmaceutical firm that is introducing a new anti-malarial drug.So I want to make the positive case for the world to see China’s rise as an opportunity not a threat.But China needs to help us to make that argument to demonstrate that as your economy grows, so do our shared interests, and our shared responsibilities.We share an interest in China’s integration into the world economy, which is essential for China’s development.If we are to maintain Europe’s openness to China, we must be able to show that China is open to Europe.So we share an interest in an international system governed by rules and norms.We share an interest in effective cooperative governance, including for the world economy.We share an interest in fighting protectionism and in a co-ordinated rebalancing between surplus and deficit countries.These interests, those responsibilities are both economic and political.Let me take each in turn.1)Economic Responsibilities
First, economic responsibilities.Let’s get straight to the point.The world economy has begun to grow again after the crisis.But that growth is very uneven.Led by China, Asia and other emerging markets are growing quickly.But in much of the advanced world growth is slow and fragile and unemployment stubbornly high.We should not be surprised at this.The crisis has damaged many advanced economies and weakened their financial sectors.They face major structural and fiscal adjustments to rebalance their economies.This is true of my own country.We know what steps we need to take to restore the public finances and rebalance our economy towards greater saving and investment and greater exports.And we have begun to take them.But for the world economy to be able to grow strongly again – and to grow without creating the dangerous economic and financial instabilities that led to the crisis, we need more than just adjustment in the advanced world.The truth is that some countries with current account surpluses have been saving too much while others like mine with deficits have been saving too little.And the result has been a dangerous tidal wave of money going from one side of the globe to the other.We need a more balanced pattern of global demand and supply, a more balanced pattern of global saving and investment.Now sometimes when you hear people talk about economic imbalances, it can seem as though countries that are successful at exporting are being blamed for their success.That’s absolutely not the case.We all share an interest and a responsibility to co-operate to secure strong and balanced global growth.There is no greater illustration of this than what happened to China as the western banking system collapsed.Chinese exports fell 12 per cent
growth dropped to its lowest point in more than a decade
and some 20 million jobs were lost in the Chinese export sector.Changes in the structure of our economies will take time
What is important is that the major economies of the world have a shared vision of the path of this change: what actions countries should avoid;what actions countries need to take and, crucially, over what period it should happen.This is why the G20 – and the meeting in Seoul – is so important.Together we can agree a common approach.We can commit to the necessary actions.We can agree that we will hold each other to account.And just as China played a leading role at the G20 in helping to avert a global depression
so it can lead now.I know from my discussions with Premier Wen how committed China is to actions to rebalance its economy.China is already talking about moving towards increased domestic consumption
Better healthcare and welfare
More consumer goods as its middle class grows and in time introducing greater market flexibility into its exchange rate.This can not be completed overnight but it must happen.Let’s be clear about the risks if it does not about what is at stake for China and for the UK – countries that depend on an open global economy.At the worst point of the crisis, we averted protectionism.But at a time of slow growth and high unemployment in many countries those pressures will rise again
Already you can see them.Countries will increasingly be tempted to try to maximise their own growth and their own employment, at the expense of others.Globalisation – the force that has been so powerful in driving development and bringing huge numbers into the world economy could go into reverse.If we follow that path we will all lose out.The West would lose for sure.But so too would China.For the last two decades, trade has been a very positive factor in China’s re-emergence on the world stage.It has driven amazing growth and raised the living standards of millions.Trade has helped stitch back China’s network of relations with countries across the world.We need to make sure that it does not turn into a negative factor.Just as the West wants greater access to Chinese markets so China wants greater access to Western markets and it wants market economy status in the EU too.I had very constructive talks with Premier Wen on exactly this issue yesterday.I will make the case for China to get market economy status in the EU,but China needs to help, by showing that it is committed to becoming more open, as it becomes more prosperous.And we need to work together to do more to protect intellectual property rights because this will give more businesses confidence to come and invest in China.UK companies are uniquely placed to support China’s demand for more high value goods for its consumers
Our Pavilion at the World Expo in Shanghai – which won the Gold Award for the best Pavilion design – was a showcase for so many of Britain’s strengths from advanced engineering to education…
From great brands to great pharmaceutical businesses
From low carbon to financial services to the creative industries.In all these areas and many more, British companies and British exports can help China deliver the prosperity and progress it seeks.We can be part of China’s development strategy, just as China is part of ours.A true partnership of growth.In recent days, Britain has won new business worth billions of pounds involving companies across the UK and cities all over China.including a deal between Rolls Royce and China Eastern Airlines for 16 Airbus 330 aeroengines worth £750 million and inward investments worth in excess of £300 million
This is all in addition to at least £3bn of business which British companies have secured as part of the Airbus contract concluded with China last week
and a further £2 billion of investments by Tesco to develop new shopping malls over the next five years.And with nearly 50 of Britain’s most influential culture, education and business leaders joining me on this visit
I hope these deals can be just the beginning of a whole new era of bilateral trade between our countries.Achieving this would be a real win-win for our two countries.So if China is prepared to pursue further opening of its markets
and to work with Britain and the other G20 countries to rebalance the world economy and take steps over time towards internationalising its currency
that will go a long way towards helping the global economy lock in the stability it needs for strong and sustainable growth.And just as importantly, it will go a long way in securing confidence in the global community that China as an economic power is a force for good.2）Political Responsibilities
But China does not just have new economic power.It has new political power.And that brings new political responsibilities too.What China says – and what China does – really matters.There is barely a global issue that needs resolution, which does not beg the questions: what does China think, and how can China contribute to a solution?
China has attempted to avoid entanglement in global affairs in the past.But China’s size and global reach means that this is no longer a realistic choice.Whether it’s climate change or development, health and education or global security, China is too big and too important now not to play its part.On climate change, an international deal has to be fair.And that means that countries with different histories can’t all be expected to contribute in exactly the same way.But a fair deal also means that all countries contribute and all are part of an agreement.And there’s actually a huge opportunity here for China.Because China can really profit from having some of the most efficient green energy in the world.On international security, great powers have a bigger interest than anyone in preserving stability.Take development for example, China is one of the fastest growing investors in Africa
with a vital influence over whether Africa can become a new source of growth for the world economy
We want to work together to ensure that the money we spend in Africa is not supporting corrupt and intolerant regimes.And the meeting of the UN Security Council which the British Foreign Secretary will chair later this month provides a good opportunity to step up our co-operation on Sudan.As China’s star rises again in the world, so does its stake in a stable and ordered world, in which trade flows freely.Today, China is the world’s second biggest importer of oil, and Sudan is one of your most important suppliers.So China has a direct national interest in working for stability in Sudan.And four fifths of your oil imports pass through the Malacca Straits.So like Britain and the other big trading nations, you depend on open sea lanes.And like us, your stability and prosperity depends in part on the stability and prosperity of others.Whether it’s nuclear proliferation, a global economic crisis or the rise of international terrorism, today’s threats to our security do not respect geographical boundaries.The proliferation of nuclear material endangers lives in Nanjing as well as New York.China is playing an active role in helping to prevent conflagration over North Korea.We have been working with China in the UN Security Council to keep up the pressure on Iran
and China’s continuing role here is vital if we are to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.In your own region, I believe China can work with us to improve the situation for the Burmese people.And China is one of the few countries that Burma will listen to on this point.But political responsibilities are not just about how one country interacts with another
those responsibilities also apply to the way a country empowers its own people
Political Perspectives
It is undeniable that greater economic freedom has contributed to China’s growing economic strength.As China’s economy generates higher living standards and more choice for Chinese people, there is inevitably debate within China about the relationship between greater economic freedom and greater political freedom.I recognise that we approach these issues with different perspectives.I understand too that being in government is a huge challenge.I’m finding that running a country of 60 million people.So I can only begin to imagine what it is like leading a country of 1.3 billion.I realise this presents challenges of a different order of magnitude.When I came here last I was Britain’s Leader of the Opposition.Now we’ve had a General Election.It produced a Coalition Government, which combines two different political parties – the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats – with different histories and political philosophies, working together for the good of our country.The Labour Party is now the official Opposition, with a constitutional duty to hold the new Government publicly to account.Indeed if I were not in Beijing this Wednesday afternoon, I would be preparing for my weekly session of Prime Minister’s questions in the House of Commons, where MPs question me freely about the whole range of government policy.All the time the government is subject to the rule of law.These are constraints on the government, and at times they can be frustrating when the Courts take a view with which the government differs
but ultimately we believe that they make our government better and our country stronger.Through the media, the public get to hear directly from people who hold different views from the government.That can be difficult at times, too.But we believe that the better informed the British public is about the issues affecting our society
the easier it is, ultimately, for the British government to come to sensible decisions and to develop robust policies that command the confidence of our people.I make these observations not because I believe that we have some moral superiority.Our own society is not perfect.There is still injustice which we must work hard to tackle.We are far from immune from poverty and the ills that afflict every nation on earth.But in arguing for a strong relationship between our countries, I want a relationship in which we can be open with each other, in which we can have constructive dialogue of give and take in a spirit of tolerance and mutual respect.The rise in economic freedom in China in recent years has been hugely beneficial to China and to the world.I hope that in time this will lead to a greater political opening
because I am convinced that the best guarantor of prosperity and stability is for economic and political progress to go in step together.In some respects it already has.Ordinary Chinese people today have more freedom over where they live
what job they do
and where they travel
than ever before.People blog and text more.It’s right to recognise this progress.But it’s right also that Britain should be open with China on issues where, no doubt partly because of our different history and culture, we continue to take a different view.There is no secret that we disagree on some issues, especially around human rights.We don’t raise these issues to make to us look good, or to flaunt publicly that we have done so.We raise them because the British people expect us to, and because we have sincere and deeply held concerns.And I am pleased that we have agreed the next human rights dialogue between our two governments for January.Because in the end, being able to talk through these issues – however difficult – makes our relationship stronger.Conclusion
So let me finish where I began.China’s success – and continued success – is good for Britain and good for the world.It’s not in our national interests for China to stumble
or for the Chinese economy to suffer a reverse.We have to make the case.and I hope China will help us make the case.that as China gets richer, it does not follow that the rest of the world will get poorer.It is simply not true that as China rises again in the world, others must necessarily decline.Globalisation is not a zero sum game.If we manage things properly, if we win the arguments for free trade, if we find a way to better regulation, we can both grow together.But if we don’t, we will both suffer.I referred earlier to Britain’s Pavilion at the Shanghai Expo, “the Dandelion”
We are extremely proud that it won a coveted prize, and that it proved so popular with Chinese visitors.It is, in its way, a symbol of the strength and the potential in our relationship.Two different countries, past and future Olympic hosts, on far sides of the world, sowing the seeds of a flourishing relationship in the future, a relationship which has the potential to grow and to bloom.Proof, perhaps, that Confucius was right when he said.“within the four seas all men are brothers”
关键词：话语分析,意识形态,认知语境模型
批评话语分析 (Critical Discourse Analysis) 最早源自于20世纪70年代末Fowler等人的《语言与控制》 (Language and Control) 一书, 其源头是批评语言学。自其兴起发展至今, 批评话语分析朝着多元化的趋势方向发展。费尔克劳 (N.Fairclough) (1992) 采用辩证——联系的分析角度, 提出了CDA的三个步骤——描述、阐释、解释, 对CDA的发展做出了巨大贡献, 但其具体的分析仍以Halliday的系统功能语法为支撑, 只注重语言文字特征的描述和解读。沃达克 (Ruth Wodak) 将话语的历史性背景纳入到语篇的分析范围内, 在其《批评话语分析:历史, 议程, 理论和方法论》中详细阐述了CDA的历史——话语分析法, 将语篇置于历史条件下进行分析, 探讨了历史背景对话语生产及理解的影响。此外, 她还与范·戴克 (Van Dijk) 就语言与社会之间的关系进行探讨, 认为此二者并非直接联系的, 认知是语言与社会的中介, 并提出心智模型 (mental model) 这一术语。沃达克与范·戴克从社会——认知的角度出发, 认为个体和社会的认知介于社会与语篇之间。范·戴克在1993年发表的《批评话语分析的原则》一文中提出研究权力与语篇的关系需通过“认知接口”, 并在其文章《话语、语境与认知》中将语境理论纳入CDA的社会认知方法中, 他认为语境是话语参与者对交际情境的主观构建, 是明确的心智模型。
本文从认知语境的角度出发, 以卡梅伦挽回苏格兰的演讲为例, 探讨认知 (也即心智模型) 在语言与社会之间的中介作用以及语境是如何在解释话语, 权力和意识形态关系方面发挥功能的。
一、认知语境模型
随着认知科学的发展, 语言学家越来越注重认知在语言生成及言语理解过程中的主观作用。最早提出语境模型 (context model) 这一概念的是荷兰的批评语言学家范·戴克, 他认为认知心理学中的心智模型 (mental model) 可以解释交际双方在言语交际活动中对语境的主观建构, 从而能够达到更好地理解对方交际意图的效果。而认知语境应用于批评性话语分析正是由于近年来一些批评语言学家发现, “语境不仅包括场景、语域、行为、参与者关系、地位等与交际行为相关的社会因素, 也包括参与者的认知特点, 如目的、信念、知识、意见等”。[1]它不同于传统意义上的包含话语历史、社会、文化背景等的静态的语境, 而是把语境看作一个动态的发展的过程, 强调话语参与者及话语解读者的认知即心智模型在话语的生成和语义的加工中发挥的作用。换言之, “认知语境分析把语境视为语言使用者在交际过程中不断建构的主观体, 研究交际双方作为一定社会组织的成员如何在交际中通过对语境不断实时更新和建构来完成话语的生产与解读”[2]那么, “言语交际行为实施的过程主要是听话人对认知语境假设进行不断选择和调整的过程。”[3]认知语境模型在言语活动中对交际双方如何策略地选择合适的语言以适应当时的情景起到指导的作用。
范·戴克认为, 个人的心智模型和社会的认知密不可分, 在群体意识下个人根据语境做出符合交际情景的分析并指导自己在交际活动中的言语生成和对交际对象言语的理解。在这个过程中, “权力通过共享的社会认知即群体意识和这些认知的心智模型来影响话语的生成和理解”。[4]
本文正是依据范·戴克的语境模型, 以卡梅伦挽回苏格兰的演讲为例分析交际者如何通过认知模型分析语境, 并在此基础上作出能够实现其权力控制符合其交际意图的言语选择的。
二、卡梅伦演讲的认知语境分析
卡梅伦作为英国首相, 除代表个体外还代表着英国政府的形象和利益, 他所演讲的受众对象是整个英国的民众, 而“公众演讲作为政治语篇的一种, 是有效地传达政府意识形态的方式”。因而, 研究卡梅伦如何成功地将认知语境分析与语言策略相结合在演讲中选择合适的语言, 使得民众受到其灌输的意识形态的控制, 以实现其交际的意图具有重要意义。根据范·戴克的语境模型, 语境可分为背景和交际者两大内容。
(一) 背景
时间:2014年9月15日。
苏格兰公投的日期为2014年9月18日, 即此次演讲的时间为公投前的倒数第三天。在卡梅伦的认知中这是最后一次能赢得公众支持的机会, 言辞须能表达迫切之情, 殷切希望之心。因此, 在演讲中“We meet in a week that could change the United Kingdom forever.On Thursday, Scotland votes, and the future of our country is at stake.On Friday, people could be living in a different country, with a different place in the world and a different future ahead of it.”常用到“一周内”“永远”“这周四”“这周五”等词传达公投日期将至, 若听话人投支持票则国家将迅速分裂陷入国将不国的状态的意识形态, 企图引导听话人反对独立。
空间:苏格兰东北部城市阿伯丁 (Aberdeen) 阿伯丁会展中心
此次演讲的地点位于苏格兰的阿伯丁市, 直接面对的就是苏格兰的民众, 因此在代词选择上多用“we”和“you”。选用“we” (我们) 使听话人感到亲切感, 在认知上将说话人和自己放在了同一阵营, 减弱了对说话人的防备心理, 从而更易使说话人的意识形态得以渗透;“you” (你、你们) 的选用使听话人在认知心理上产生对话感, 增强听话人的主人翁意识, 因此更能吸引听话人的注意引发其思考。
(二) 交际者
交际角色:卡梅伦——说话者;
苏格兰民众——听话者;
社会角色、组织成员、身份:卡梅伦——英国首相, 英国政府利益的维护者;
苏格兰民众——英国公民,
公投参与者;
双方的关系:卡梅伦——权力实施者;
苏格兰民众——权力受施者。
共享的社会知识和信念:1.卡梅伦是英国政府的首相;2.苏格兰受英国政府统治;3.2014年9月18日举行苏格兰公投。
意图与目的:卡梅伦——说服苏格兰民众反对苏格兰独立, 支持英国政府的统治。
交际及其他行为/事件:卡梅伦发表演讲。
就交际角色、社会角色和双方关系来说, 卡梅伦作为英国首相首先代表着英国政府的利益, 并且在交际活动中处于权力的支配者, 因此在演讲中常从国家的角度出发“Indeed, it could end the United Kingdom as we know it.The United Kingdom would be no more.It’s only become Great Britain because of the greatness of Scotland.”唤起民众的国家意识和集体意识。就共享的社会认知而言, 苏格兰在公投中取得多数票意味着苏格兰和英国的分离。这一状态在听众的心智模型中同离婚带给人们的痛苦, 故卡梅伦在演讲中运用隐喻“Independence would not be a trial separation;it would be a painful divorce.”将情感具体化, 使民众感同身受, 在心理上倾向于避免这种痛苦的发生。交际的意图通过交际事件实现, 卡梅伦发表这一演讲的意图即将权力通过语言的形式发挥作用, 传达反对苏格兰独立这一意识形态。说话人在演讲过程中所采用的言辞最终都是为其实现他的意图而服务的。
三、结语
本文应用认知语境模型分析卡梅伦的演讲, 即演讲中交际双方从具体情境语境即交际的背景, 交际者的角色、权力关系、交际意图等方面结合个体的心智模型和社会的认知选择能实现自己表达意图的话语, 从而达到意识形态渗透的效果。另外, 从认知的层面对语篇进行批评性话语分析, 揭示了人的主观建构在影响言语的产生和理解过程中的重要作用, 以及语言是如何通过认知传达意识形态的。
参考文献
[1]辛斌.批评话语分析中的认知话语分析[J].外语与外语教学, 2012 (04) .
[2]田海龙.认知取向的批评话语分析:两种路径及其特征[J].外语研究, 2013 (02) .
[3]欧阳苹果, 肖武云.认知语境在话语交际中的作用[J].外语学刊, 2007 (05) .
I send my best wishes to everyone in India, Britain and around the world celebrating Vaisakhi.
I know this is an incredibly important time for the Sikh community as families and friendscome together to commemorate the birth of the Khalsa and give thanks. From Southall toSunderland, from Ottawa to Amritsar, Sikhs around the world will be marking Vaisakhi withvibrant parades and celebrations with homes, Gurdwaras and entire neighbourhoods burstinginto life with decorations and colour.
Vaisakhi also gives us a chance to celebrate the immense contribution of British Sikhs, whohave enriched our country for over 160 years. Whether it is in the fields of enterprise orbusiness, education, public service or civil society, Britain’s Sikhs are a success story and modelcommunity.
And I see this contribution every day, all around. Like at the magnificent Gurdwara SahibLeamington, where I saw for myself the values of Sikhism – of compassion, peace and equality– in practice. And across the country I see how Sikh and Asian businessmen and women areboosting the economy by creating jobs and opportunities. But this contribution is not just arecent thing it goes back many, many years and was never more starkly demonstrated than 100years ago during the First World War.
Just last month we commemorated the Indian soldiers, many of whom were Sikh, who foughtbravely alongside the Allies in the Battle of Neuve Chapelle in Northern France. I pay tribute tothose men who travelled far from home and who fought and died with their comrades in thefight for freedom. We will never let their sacrifice be forgotten.
So at this important time, let us commemorate the birth of a great religion, let us give thanksfor everything the Sikh community does for Britain and let us celebrate the successful multi-ethnic, multi-faith democracy country that we are.
Centuries of history hang in the balance（悬挂在天平上，我想到了一些中文中对应的词语，都可以诠释这个英文词组，“风雨飘摇”，“摇摇欲坠”）, a question mark hangs over（一个问号悬挂在…之上，相当于“we have no idea about”）the future of our United Kingdom.If people vote “yes” in September, then Scotland will become an independent country.There will be no going back（没有回头之路）.拥有数百年历史的国家处于关键时刻，一个巨大的问号横在英国的未来。如果人民在九月的投票中选择yes，那么苏格兰讲成为独立的国家，这没有回头路。
As I’ve made clear（正像我之前清楚地表述过）, this is a decision that is squarely and solely（这两个词的表面意思是“直接地、仅仅地”，从来表现出这次投票是完完全全苏格兰人自己的决定，外界力量无法去干涉）for those in Scotland to make.I believe passionately that it is in their interests to stay in the United Kingdom.But my argument today is that while only 4 million people can vote in this referendum（公投，真正由国家公民一票一票选出来）, all 63 million of us are profoundly（深刻地）affected.There are 63 million of us who can wake up on September 19 in a different country with a different future ahead of them.We would be deeply diminished（减少、削弱）without Scotland, this matters（动词，很重要）to all of our futures.And everyone in UK can have a voice（发出声音，表达意见）in this debate.正如我所说过的，这次的投票将是苏格兰人自己的决定，我热情地相信：他们想要留在英国。今天我所要说的是，只有400万人（苏格兰人）可以投票，但却有6300万人将受深刻影响。我们有6300万人，你或许会在9月19日起床，发现自己在另一个国家，面临不同的未来。如果没有苏格兰，我们会被大幅削弱；这对我们所有人的未来都很重要，每个英国人都可以参与争论。
The outcome is still up in the air（成语，悬而未决）, and we have just 7 months to go, 7 months to do all we can to keep our United Kingdom as one（keep…as one，保持团结一致）, 7 months to save the most extraordinary（神奇的、非凡的）country in history.And we must do whatever it takes（竭尽所能）, so to everyone, in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, everyone like me who cares about（关心）the United Kingdom.结局还是未知，而我们只有七个月的时间，这7个月我们要竭尽全力，保住我们的国家不分裂。7个月的时间拯救历史上最非凡的国家。我们需要想尽办法，每个人：英格兰、威尔士、北爱尔兰的每个人。每个像我一样热爱祖国的人。
就在上学期期末，紧张的期末考试结束后，2011届我校考入清华北大的学长们回到了母校，与经历了一学期高中生活的我们促膝长谈。刚刚度过新学期的我们有汗水有苦涩，却也有欣喜有收获。亲切的学长们与我们谈人生、谈理想、谈学习、谈天地。
曾经，我们集体沐浴铁一的阳光，共享铁一的鸟语花香。曾经，我们一起与同学尽情欢笑，一齐听老师的谆谆教导。
曾经，我们共同吟唱“来为求知，去做栋梁”，我们都以铁一为豪！看着同学们眼中的悸动，热火朝天的互动，碰撞出了绚烂的思维火花。清北悠久的校园历史、优美的学习环境、浓郁的书香气息和丰富的课外活动都令我们神往；学长们得体的言谈举止、出色的表达能力、自信的举手投足和渊博的课外知识都令我们崇拜。
铁一是培育栋梁的摇篮，铁一是成长人才的沃土，在这里，我们播种理想，挥洒汗水，收获希望。
如果我是一条小船，是铁一给了我远航的风帆。
如果我是一只雄鹰，是铁一给了我翱翔的翅膀。
现在我是一名学生，铁一将会给我无悔的人生！
一、人际功能理论
系统功能学派认为, 语言是人类社会活动的产物, 作为人类交际的工具, 它承担着各种各样的功能。韩礼德从语言的社会性出发, 把语言的纯理功能划分为三种:概念元功能、人际元功能和语篇元功能 (Halliday, 1994) 。其中人际功能指的是人们用语言与其他人交往, 用语言建立和保持人际关系, 用语言影响别人的行为, 同时也用语言表达对世界的看法 (黄国文, 2001) 。Halliday指出实现人际功能的词汇语法资源主要是语气、情态和语调及体现在人称系统, 态度修饰语和具有隐含意义的词中 (Halliday, 1994) 。
二、人际功能具体分析
1. 语气系统分析
系统功能语法认为在交际过程中, 无论说话者如何变化交际角色, 交际中都有两个言语角色:一个是给予, 另一个是需求。交际中的交流物既可以是物品和服务, 又可以是信息。交际角色和交流物这两个变项组成了四种最主要的言语功能:提供、陈述、命令和提问。与此紧密相连的语气是陈述语气、疑问语气、祈使语气等。
在英国首相这篇演讲中共有261句, 其中陈述句236句。政治家发表演讲时的语言往往受待定时间、演讲目的和社会背景的影响。卡梅伦发表此篇演讲正值平息英国伦敦骚乱后。通过陈述语气的使用, 卡梅伦回顾了一周前所发生的暴乱, 分析了暴乱发生的原因, 自己及所在政府及社会所做的努力, 表明他渴望寻求国内社会稳定的愿望及为实现这理想所作出努力, 最后呼吁全国人民为建立和平稳定的英国而奋斗。
政治演讲具有很强的肯定性和劝说性, 因此疑问句的使用相对较少, 但穿插疑问句能使演讲脱离单一的形式, 并增加悬念与起伏感。本文共出现17句疑问句, 卡梅伦通过多次使用一般疑问句引发听众的注意, 表明了自己和听众改变国内现状的决心, 同时也表达了对听众的期待与信心。另外, 演讲者使用了8个祈使句, 一方面表明演讲者自己的权势和地位, 另一方面拉近和听众的距离, 表明要和民众一起面对困难, 迎接挑战的决心。
2. 情态系统
韩礼德认为, 情态是讲话者对自己所讲的命题的成功和有效性的判断或在命题中要求对方承担的义务或在提议中要表达的个人意愿 (Halliday, 2000) 。在表达语篇的人际意义时, 情态往往由情态动词和情态副词表达说话者所述内容对听众产生的影响。在这篇演讲中, 卡梅伦主要通过情态动词表达人际意义。文中共用了58个情态动词, will及其否定形式 (27个) , can及否定形式现 (18个) , must及否定形式 (4个) , should及其否定形式 (4个) , could (2个) , might (1个) , would (2个) 。其中will, can, must, should出现的次数最多。
must是高量值情态动词, 用于加强所有判断的可能性并且赋予责任, 可用于义务和树立自己的权威。在政治演讲词中使用高量值的情态动词是不可避免的。在这篇演说中must出现了4次。如: (1) We must fight back against the attitudes and assumptions that have brought parts of our society to this shockingstate.卡梅伦通过must表明对暴乱行为的态度是明确的, 表明坚决打击的决心。
中量值情态动词的使用表达了演讲者的信念、预测或意图, 有助于体现演讲者的客观态度, 从而取得听众的信任。如: (2) We will review our work and consider whether our plans and programmes are big enough and bold enough to deliver the change that I feel this country now wants to see.通过will的使用, 卡梅伦表明了将会检验自己及政府所做出的工作是否达到改变当前社会状态的效果。
低量值情态动词的大量使用, 反映了演讲者对人或事物的判断估测及对命题所保持的态度, 能够增加演讲内容的客观性和可信度。情态动词can在文中出现了18次。除了可以表示程度较低的情态外, 在语义上一方面表达有能力或没有能力做某事, 如: (3) Because it’s only by getting our young people into work that we can build an ownership society in which everyone feels they have a stake.此句中can主要表明了卡梅伦坚信自己及政府有能力建立一个人人感觉安全的社会。
3. 人称代词
李战子 (2002:124) 认为:除了语气和情态之外, 人称代词也具有实现话语人际意义的功能。代词的使用可以在一定程度上反映人际关系的亲疏, 演讲语篇的人称代词同样有助于建立和维持演讲者及听众的人际系。在演讲中, 使用最多的代词首先是第一人称, 其次是第二人称, 最后是第三人称。在这篇演讲中, 出现了第一人称单数I (I35次) , we (26次) , 第二人称you (10次) , 第三人称he (5次) , they (25次) 。可见第一人称I和we出现的频率较高。
第一人称单数是指说话人自己, 用来陈述演说者自己的观点, 立场或态度, 以此凸显演讲者的地位和权威, 影响听众的反应。如: (4) In my very first act as leader of this party I signalled my personal priority:to mend our broken society.卡梅伦运用“I”表达了自己强烈的意志、观点和态度, 强调自己作为首相的责任, 试图把自己塑造为一位负责任的英国首相。
第一人称代词复数we既可以是包含式的, 又可以是排除式的。排除式的第一人称复数往往是为了强调自己一方的立场或观点, 带有很强的权威性。 (5) We will review our work andconsider whether our plans and programmes are big enough and bold enough to deliver the change that I feel this country nowwants to see.这里的we是排除式的, 指的是卡梅伦及其所代表的政府, 表明为平息骚乱所作出的努力, 让听众拭目以待。
包含式的we具有很强大的感情效力, 说明说话人与听话人之间有共同的目标、任务和利益, 能够拉近说话人与听话人的距离。如: (6) Because whatever the arguments, we all belong to the same society, and we all have a stake in making it better.这句中的we是包含式的, 不仅包括卡梅伦及其政府, 还包括听众。说明政府和人民的共同目标任务, 不仅缩短了双方的距离, 易于被听众接受, 卡梅伦的政治目的还得到了实现。
在演讲中, 第二人称出现10次, 通过使用第二人称, 可以和听众实现交流, 吸引听众的注意。同时本篇演讲多次使用第三人称指代暴乱分子及他们的父母, 表达了对他们的不满, 也使广大人民群众反省。
三、结语
本文主要以韩礼德功能语法中的人际功能为理论框架, 从语气、情态和人称代词三个方面对卡梅伦演说进行语篇分析。
通过分析发现, 卡梅伦为了更好地表达自己的思想, 在语气方面大量使用了陈述句阐述事实, 表达自己向听众传达信息的客观性;在情态方面, 大量使用中低量的情态动词表现了肯定以感动观众, 引起互动和共鸣, 避免了以权相压;在人称代词使用方面, 大量使用第一人称单数I表达了自己的责任及决心, 使用we拉近与听众的距离, 削弱权势关系, 有助于树立个人良好形象, 还使用了第三人称复数they指代骚乱者, 表达了对他们的不满。总之, 卡梅伦通过正确使用语言策略, 树立了首相的形象, 赢得了国内民众的信任与支持, 获得了较好的演讲效果。
摘要：本文以韩礼德系统功能语法中的人际功能为理论, 对英国首相卡梅伦在平息暴乱后发表的演讲进行了系统分析, 旨在研究演讲如何传递演说者的真实意图, 有助于更深刻地理解政治演讲语篇的人际意义。
关键词：政治演讲,人际功能,演讲意图
参考文献
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[2]Halliday, M.A.K.An Introduction to Functional Grammar (2nd ed) .London Amold, Beijing Foreign Language Teaching andResearch Press, 2000.
[3]黄国文.语篇分析的理论与实践[M].上海:上海外语教育出版社, 2001, 22.
