大学生金融危机演讲稿中英文对照

大学生金融危机演讲稿中英文对照（推荐7篇）

大学生金融危机演讲稿中英文对照 篇1

i am honored extremely stand in here for everybody lecture!

we all knew that, now the world all is suffering the financial crisis, and many factories all already went out of business the bankruptcy, this also meant could have many people to face is coming off sentry duty.

perhaps in school we regarding this realized is not very big, however we soon face the graduation, also meant must look for the work.

already some people commented: the next several year university graduate, the graduation also on meant unemployment! although i not like this believed, but i still felt we should have one kind of crisis feeling, by faces the worst possible occurrence.

therefore, also cannot again continue to waste in the university period time, that already was may not obtain extremely! therefore i hoped schoolmates, all can learn own diligently special course, in order to might find from now on most suits own work.我很荣幸极为站在这里为大家演讲!

我们都知道，现在世界上所有正在遭受金融危机，许多工厂都已经倒闭了破产，这也意味着可能有许多人面对即将关闭站岗。

也许在学校，我们对这个认识是不是很大，但是我们很快面临毕业，也意味着必须寻找工作。

已经有些人评论说：在未来数年大学毕业，毕业也意味着失业!虽然我不喜欢这样认为，但我仍觉得我们应该有一种危机感，所面临的最严重的可能发生。

大学生金融危机演讲稿中英文对照 篇2

The imbroglio over the ceiling does have a darkly amusing side.Many will recall Republican insistence that “uncertainty” was thwarting economic recovery.Yet it is difficult to imagine policies better designed to create maximum uncertainty than a possible default by the world’s most important debtor.Asked about the consequences of a failure to reach a deal on the ceiling, Jamie Dimon, chief executive of JPMorgan Chase, responded: “You don’t want to know.” But we must seek to know;the results would be calamitous.关于债务上限的纠葛确实有其黑色幽默的一面。很多人会记得共和党坚称“不确定性”正在阻碍经济复苏。但我们很难想象出，还有什么政策比世界最重要债务国违约更能制造不确定性。当被问及无法就债务上限问题达成妥协将有何后果时，摩根大通(JPMorgan Chase)首席执行官杰米•戴蒙(Jamie Dimon)说：“你肯定不想知道。”但我们必须设法弄清答案。结果将是灾难性的。

Why is the debt ceiling too dangerous to use? This question has two answers.为何债务上限这种步器过于危险、不应使用？可以从两个层面解答这个问题。The first is constitutional.In a recent article, Neil Buchanan of The George Washington University and Michael Dorf of Cornell argue that a binding debt ceiling would create a “trilemma” for the president: “Ignore the debt ceiling and unilaterally issue new bonds, thus usurping Congress’s borrowing power;unilaterally raise taxes, thus usurping Congress’s taxing power;or unilaterally cut spending, thus usurping Congress’s spending power.” Thus, a binding debt ceiling would force the president to violate his obligation to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed”.The authors conclude that the president should choose the “least unconstitutional” course and ignore the debt ceiling.But, inevitably, whatever the president did would create a constitutional crisis.No responsible Congress would seek to put the president in that position.首先是宪法层面。在近期一篇文章中，乔治华盛顿大学(The George Washington University)的尼尔•布坎南(Neil Buchanan)和康奈尔大学(Cornell University)的迈克尔•多尔夫(Michael Dorf)辩称，具有约束力的债务上限为总统带来“三难”局面：“忽略债务上限，单方面发行新债券，将篡夺国会的举债权；单方面增税，将

篡夺国会的税权；单方面减支，将篡夺国会的支出权。”因此，有约束力的债务上限将迫使总统违背其“监护法律得到切实执行”的义务。两位作者的结论是，总统应选择“最不违宪”的道路，忽略债务上限。但无论总统怎么做，都将不可避免地造成宪政危机。一个负责任的国会，是不会寻求让总统陷于如此境地的。

The second reason why the debt ceiling is so dangerous is that the administration could not obey it in a non-destructive way.At some point between October 17 and the end of the month, the administration would lack the money to pay its bills.All choices would be dire.债务上限如此危险的第二个原因是，政府无法在不带来破坏性后果的前提下遵守债务上限。在10月17日到月底之间的某个时点，政府将无钱支付账单。所有的选择都很糟糕。

One much discussed choice is “prioritisation”: the federal government would pay “high priority” claimants, such as the Chinese government, and default to “low priority” claimants, such as beneficiaries of Social Security or Medicare.Yes, the idea is that awful.一个被广泛讨论的选择是“优先支付”：联邦政府将向中国政府等“高优先级”债权人偿还债务，而对社保或联邦医疗保险计划(Medicare)受益人等“低优先级”债权人违约。没错，这个主意就是那么“馊”。

The US Treasury has two potent objections.First, prioritisation would not protect the “full faith and credit of the United States” – it would still be a default.Second, the US government’s computer systems do not allow it to choose among the close to 100m payments it makes a month.But Fedwire, the system that handles sovereign debt payments, is distinct from the systems making payments to government agencies and other vendors.So maybe the US Treasury could pay the former obligations first and then use any remaining money for the latter, a possibility it denies even exists, to preserve its bargaining credibility.美国财政部(US Treasury)提出两点有力的反对理由。首先，优先支付不能保护“美国的全部信心和信用”——它仍将是一种违约。其次，美国政府的计算机系统不允许财政部在每月的近1亿笔支付中做出选择。但处理主权债务付款的Fedwire系统与向政府机构和其他供应商付款的系统不同。因此，美国财政部也许能够先向前者偿债、然后用余下的资金向后者支付（但它认为这根本不具可行性），以维持自己讨价还价的信誉。

Even if possible, which is unclear, the politics of prioritisation would be disastrous.Yet the economics of a failure to service debt would be worse.US Treasuries are the world’s most important safe assets.If they were to default, even temporarily, there would be an immediate impact on risk premiums and a quite possibly permanent impact on their role as havens.Haircuts would be imposed on their use as collateral.The result, as my colleague Gillian Tett has noted, might be a huge disruption to market liquidity and credit across the world.A Lehman default is one thing;a US default would be quite another.No wonder the gathering of central bankers and finance ministers in Washington last week for the IMF meeting was so agitated about the issue.优先支付即便可行（可行与否尚不明朗），其政治后果也将是灾难性的。但不偿还债务的经济后果更严重。美国国债是全球最重要的避险资产。如果美国国债违约，哪怕是暂时性的，也将对风险溢价产生即刻影响，并很可能对其避险资产角色产生长期影响。它作为抵押品的价值将打折扣。正如我的同事吉莲•邰蒂(Gillian Tett)所说的，结果可能是严重扰乱全世界的市场流动性和信贷。雷曼兄弟(Lehman Brothers)违约是一回事，美国政府违约是另一回事。难怪上周各国央行行长和财长齐聚华盛顿参加IMF年会时，对此问题感到十分焦虑。

The less economically damaging alternative would seem to be for the US government to default on its non-debt obligations.Indeed, many in the Tea Party apparently believe the ceiling is a clever way to impose a balanced budget, though one that would curtail even the short-term borrowing normal for households.Today, this would require immediate elimination of a deficit of about 4.2 per cent of gross domestic product.An instantaneous cut of this magnitude would lower GDP by far more than the 6 per cent that conventional multipliers might suggest.The reason is that all built-in stabilisers would be cut off.As revenue fell along with GDP, spending would automatically shrink further.GDP could fall 10 per cent.This would inflict a domestic and global disaster.经济危害较小的选择似乎是，让美国政府对非债务义务违约。实际上，不少茶党(Tea Party)成员似乎认定债务上限是一种实现预算平衡的更巧妙方法，尽管就连家庭日常所要进行的短期借款也会因此受到抑制。从目前看，对非债务义务违约将立马削减相当于美国国内生产总值(GDP)约4.2%的赤字。但如果突然进行如此大规模的减赤，GDP的萎缩幅度将远超根据常规乘数推算出的6%。原因是，这样一来，所有的内在稳定器都将被切断。随着财政收入伴随GDP下滑，支出也会自动地进一步收缩。GDP可能萎缩10%，对美国国内和全球造成灾难性影响。

Thus, if the administration were to obey the debt ceiling, it would have a choice between a debt calamity and an output disaster.Yet Barack Obama is also right that he cannot concede to people wielding this threat because that would increase their incentive to use it and so, in the long run, the likelihood that the bomb would explode.This device needs to be disarmed.Alas, that is not going to happen.因此，如果政府准备遵守债务上限，它将不得不在债务灾难和经济产出灾难之间做出选择。但巴拉克•奥巴马(Barack Obama)也正确地认识到，他不能对那些用这一威胁逼迫他的人让步，因为那会增强他们使用债务上限步器的动力，从而加大长期内这颗核弹爆炸的概率。债务上限步器应被销毁。可惜的是，这是不会发生的。So the administration also needs to decide what it would do if the ceiling were not to be lifted in time – be it now, next month or at a later date.The least bad answer would be: keep borrowing.The president cannot state he would do so, before the fact.Indeed, he must deny it, since knowing this would lower his opponents’ incentive to raise the ceiling.Yet, if it came to the worst, he would have to borrow, invoking the need to preserve the credit of the government, without which it would be permanently damaged.所以，政府还需决定，如果债务上限无法及时解除——不论是现在、下月还是之后——自己应当采取什么行动。负面影响最低的方案是继续举债。总统不能在采取行动前透露这种打算。事实上，他必须否认自己将这么做，因为他的政敌如果得知他有此打算，他们解除债务上限的动力就会减弱。但如果最糟糕的情况发生，总统就必须以“需要维护政府信用”为由举债——如果不这么做，政府的信用将永久受损。

Borrowing under a constitutional cloud would be risky.The simplest way to minimise

these risks would be to borrow short-term.After all, the US Federal Reserve must ensure that the interest rate remains zero, in order to preserve its monetary policy.The House of Representatives might impeach the president for the “high crime” of ensuring the US government fulfils its promises, but this would fail in the Senate.Someone might challenge Mr Obama’s decisions in court.But how could a judge conclude that the president acted unconstitutionally if Congress has given contradictory instructions?

在宪法的阴影下举债将是危险的。把这些风险降到最小的最简单办法是借入短期资金。毕竟，美联储(Fed)必须确保利率维持在零，以维系其货币政策。众议院可能会因总统为保障美国政府履行其承诺而犯下的“重大罪行”弹劾他，但参议院绝不会通过弹劾案。也许有人会在法庭上质疑奥巴马的决定。但既然国会下达的指示自相矛盾，法官又如何能够认定总统的行为违宪呢？

英语演讲稿-缘-(中英文对照) 篇3

英语演讲稿”缘”（中英文对照）2007-12-18 13:00:32第1文秘网第1公文网英语演讲稿”缘”（中英文对照）英语演讲稿”缘”（中英文对照）(2)[dvnews_page]Predestination翻译：北京外国语大学北戴河外语培训基地副校长张宝丹 ,whyshouldtwobecomeacoupleamongthebillioofpeopleonearth?Whydon’ttheyloveeachothereventhoughtheylivetogethereveryday,andyetoneofthemfallsinlovewithsomeoneelseatthefirstsight?Whydothemembersofafamilyquarreldailybutstillstayunhailytogether?Whycan’ttheygetmarriediniteofthefactthattheyareaperfectmatchtoeachother?Whyshouldonetoilsomuchfortheother?Whyshouldthelove-infatuatedalwaysbedesertedbyth

eheartle?.....Peopleremainpuzzlediniteoftheirgreatefforttounderstandtheendlequestio,sotheyinventedtheall-embracingword---“predestination”.Inordertobemoreprecise,differentcombinatiowerederivedfromit:lovepredestination,sinfulpredestination,evilpredestination,andkindpredestinationetc.,hencewehavethesayingslike:“Predestinationwilldefinitelybringyoutogetherdeitethegreatdistancewhilewithoutpredestination,you’llneverknoweachothereventhoughyouarestandingfacttoface”“Adistantcoupleistiedupwiththethreadofpredestination”andeventhephrasesandexpreiolike“thegodofmarriage”,“predestinationwithoutluck”,“luckwithoutpredestination”,“Comingacroeachotherisakindofpredestination”,“Enemiesareboundtomeetonanarrowroad”,“Theyshallnotmarryeachotherunletheyarepredestinedlovers”.Ifpeoplestillcannotfindawers,theyturnto“reincarnation”enherwhenshewasaplantinherpreviouslifeinADreamoftheRedMaio.Infact,theso-called“predestination”isoftenakindofcoincidenceorchanceencounter,’tmeetthisperson,you’,thusgeneratingvariousreligiousfactio,themaintheoriesofwhicharenomorethanthatof“reincarnation”,“heavenandhell”and“theever-lastingsoul”etc.Butdoesanyoneknowanythingabouthispreviouslifeorhisafterlife?Whatcouldhedoevenifheknewthem?Ifhecan’tgrathepresentlife,what’sthebenefitofcommentingonthevisionaryafterlife?Givinguptoday

大学生金融危机演讲稿中英文对照 篇4

you may observe, that amongst all the great and worthy persons(whereof the memory remaineth, either ancient or recent)there is not one, that hath been transported to the mad degree of love: which shows that great spirits, and great business, do keep out this weak passion.you must except, nevertheless, marcus antonius, the half partner of the empire of rome, and appius claudius, the decemvir and lawgiver;whereof the former was indeed a voluptuous man, and inordinate;but the latter was an austere and wise man: and therefore it seems(though rarely)that love can find entrance, not only into an open heart, but also into a heart well fortified, if watch be not well kept.你可以看到，一切真正伟大的人物（无论是古人、今人，只要是其英名永铭于人类记忆中的），没有一个是因爱情而发狂的人。因为伟大的事业只有罗马的安东尼和克劳底亚是例外(3)。前者本性就好色荒淫，然而后者却是严肃多谋的人。这说明爱情不仅会占领开旷坦阔的胸怀，有时也能闯入壁垒森严的心灵----假如手御不严的话。

it is a poor saying of epicurus, satis magnum alter alteri theatrum sumus;as if man, made for the contemplation of heaven, and all noble objects, should do nothing but kneel before a little idol, and make himself a subject, though not of the mouth(as beasts are), yet of the eye;which was given him for higher purposes.埃辟克拉斯(4)曾说过一句笨话：“人生不过是一座大戏台。”似乎本应努力追求高尚事业的人类，却只应象玩偶般地逢场作戏。虽然爱情的奴隶并不同于那班只顾吃喝的禽兽，但毕竟也只是眼目色相的奴隶，而上帝赐人以眼睛本来是有更高尚的用途的。

it is a strange thing, to note the excess of this passion, and how it braves the nature, and value of things, by this;that the speaking in a perpetual hyperbole, is comely in nothing but in love.neither is it merely in the phrase;for whereas it hath been well said, that the arch-flatterer, with whom all the petty flatterers have intelligence, is a man’s self;certainly the lover is more.for there was never proud man thought so absurdly well of himself, as the lover doth of the person loved;and therefore it was well said, that it is impossible to love, and to be wise.neither doth this weakness appear to others only, and not to the party loved;but to the loved most of all, except the love be reciproque.for it is a true rule, that love is ever rewarded, either with the reciproque, or with an inward and secret contempt.过度的爱情追求，必然会降低人本身的价值。例如，只有在爱情中，才总是需要那种浮夸陷媚的词令。而在其他场合，同样的词令只能招人耻笑。古人有一句名言：“最大的奉承，人总是留给自己的。”----只有对情人的奉承要算例外。因为甚至最骄傲的人，也甘愿在情人面前自轻自贱。所以古人说得好：“就是神在爱情中也难保持聪明。”情人的这种弱点不仅在外人眼中是明显的，就是在被追求者的眼中也会很明显----除非她（他）也在追求他（她）。所以，爱情的代价就是如此，不能得到回爱，就会得到一种深藏于心的轻蔑，这是一条永真的定律。

by how much the more, men ought to beware of this passion, which loseth not only other things, but itself!as for the other losses, the poet’s relation doth well figure them: that he that preferred helena, quitted the gifts of juno and pallas.for whosoever esteemeth too much of amorous affection, quitteth both riches and wisdom.由此可见，人们应当十分警惕这种感情。因为它不但会使人丧失其他，而且可以使人丧失自己本身。甚至其他方面的损失，古诗人早告诉我们，那追求海伦的人，是放弃了财富和智慧的(5)。

教师英语演讲稿中英对照 篇5

10-15 What is One Breath English

Dear ladies and gentlemen:

Thank you for the warm welcome. It’s an honor to be here today. I’m here on a mission. I have an important message. I’m convinced it will change your life. English is everywhere. English is a key to success. We must learn and master it.

So many of us study English like hell. So few of us can speak it well. What do you think is the reason? The problem is right here! The problem is remembering. The problem is that we forget what we learn.

Luckily , through years of research ，we’ve created a new way to learn . With this specially designed material and method, we can retain what we learn forever. It’s called One Breath English.

What is One Breath English? Why shall we learn it, what it all about?

First, it’s a breakthrough technique. It’s easy to remember. It’s designed to be memorized. Repeat nine lines like crazy. Speak as fast as you can. Say it within five seconds. It will become second nature. It will be ingrained in your memory. You will remember it for the rest of your life.

Second, the material is full of life. It’s not boring book English. It’s the core essence of daily American speech. The content is uplifting. It’s considerate and polite. People will like what you say. You’ll gain confidence. You’ll communicate better. You’ll become a better person.

Third, it’s fun to learn. It’s a five second test. It’s just like playing a game. You challenge yourself. You race against the clock. You will improve every time you try. Speak English to yourself day and night. Speak English to everyone around you. It’s fun to impress people.

Fourth, One Breath English is very healthy. It’s a fountain of youth. It will make you become younger. What makes people grow old? It’s anxiety, stress and loss of hope. Reciting English will curre these problems. Chant it over and over. Say it to yourself again and again. Your anxiety, depression and loneliness will all go away.

The bottom line is that One Breath English gets results. It’s organized and systematic. This is a great discovery. It’s totally revolutionary. It’s unprecedented in language learning history. The English revolution is NOW! One Breath English is the way. Let’s open our books and begin.

女士们，先生们：

谢谢你们热烈的欢迎。很荣幸今天来到这里，我来这里有个使命。他会改变你的一生。英文无所不在。英文是成功的关键。我们必须学习并且弄通英文，我们有很多人学英文，却很少有人能把英文说得很好，你们认为原因是什么，问题就在这里。问题就在于记忆，问题就在于我们会忘记学过的东西，幸运的是经过多年研究，我们找到了一个新的学习方法，有了这个特别设计的教材和方法，可以永远记住学过的东西，它就叫一口气英语，什么是一口气英语，为什么我们应该学习它。它到底是怎么回事。

首先它是个突破性的方法，它很容易记，它是为了让人背得下来设计的，拼命地重复念每课的九句话，尽可能快速的念，念到五秒钟之内，它就会变成你的本能。它将会深记于你的记忆中，你终生都不会忘记。

第二，它的`资料充满了生命，它并非无聊的课本英语，它是美国日常生活会话精华中的精华，它的内容振奋人心，它即体贴又有礼貌。人们会喜欢你说的话，你会更有信心，你会更容易跟人沟通，你会成为更好的人。

第三，它学起来很有趣，它是个五秒钟的测试，你就像是在玩游戏，你挑战自己，你和时间赛跑，你每次尝试都会有进步，你要不停地日夜不停地自言自语地说英语，对周围的每个人说英语，让人佩服，很有趣。

大学生金融危机演讲稿中英文对照 篇6

My Lords and Members of the House of Commons, 各位上下议院的议员们：

I am most grateful for your Loyal Addresses and the generous words of the Lord Speaker and Mr.Speaker.我非常感谢主议长和议长先生的衷心赞扬。

This great institution has been at the heart of the country and the lives of our people throughout its history.这个伟大的机构（议会）已经成为国家历史的心脏和我们民众生活的生命。

As Parliamentarians, you share with your forebears a fundamental role in the laws and decisions of your own age.作为国会议员，你分享了你的祖先中的一个根本性法律。

Parliament has survived as an unshakeable cornerstone of our constitution and our way of life.议会已经成为不可动摇的基石，存在于我们的宪法和生活方式中。

History links monarchs and Parliament, a connecting thread from one period to the next.历史联系着君主和议会，像一根纽带把一个时代和下一个时代连接起来。

So, in an era when the regular, worthy rhythm of life is less eye-catching than doing something extraordinary, I am reassured that I am merely the second Sovereign to celebrate a Diamond Jubilee.所以，在做不平凡事比平常生活更受关注的时代，我很高兴我能成为第二个庆祝钻禧年的君主。

As today, it was my privilege to address you during my Silver and Golden Jubilees.到今天为止，你们能参加我银禧和金禧的盛典，我很荣幸。

Many of you were present ten years ago and some of you will recall the occasion in 1977.十年前你们中的很多人也出席了。【名人演讲稿——英国女王伊丽莎白二世登基60周年演讲稿（中英文对照）】名人演讲稿——英国女王伊丽莎白二世登基60周年演讲稿（中英文对照）。你们中的一些人依然能回忆出1977年的情景。

Since my Accession, I have been a regular visitor to the Palace of Westminster and, at the last count, have had the pleasurable duty of treating with twelve Prime Ministers.我在位期间，我是威斯敏斯特宫的常客，至今为止，我和12位首相有过愉快的合作。

Over such a period, one can observe that the experience of venerable old age can be a mighty guide but not a prerequisite for success in public office.在这样一个时代，年长者的经验很管用，但对于担任公职来说却不是成功的先决条件。

I am therefore very pleased to be addressing many younger Parliamentarians and also those bringing such a wide range of background and experience to your vital, national work.我也很高兴向很多年轻议员提建议，我也把广泛的背景知识和经验运用到日常国家事务中。

During these years as your Queen, the support of my family has, across the generations, been beyond measure.当女王的这些年，来自我家庭的几代人的支持难以衡量。

Prince Philip is, I believe, well-known for declining compliments of any kind.But throughout he has been a constant strength and guide.菲利普亲王因为拒绝各种赞扬而出名。但是，他是一个坚定的支持者和向导。

He and I are very proud and grateful that The Prince of Wales and other members of our family are travelling on my behalf in this Diamond Jubilee year to visit all the Commonwealth Realms and a number of other Commonwealth countries.威尔士王子和其他家人将代表我在钻禧年出访所有的英联邦王国和部分英联邦国家，他和我都感到非常高兴和自豪。【名人演讲稿——英国女王伊丽莎白二世登基60周年演讲稿（中英文对照）】文章名人演讲稿——英国女王伊丽莎白二世登基60周年演讲稿（中英文对照）出自http://，转载请保留此链接！。

These overseas tours are a reminder of our close affinity with the Commonwealth, encompassing about one-third of the world’s population.这些海外行程将使占世界三分之一的人口的联邦成员国紧紧联系着。

My own association with the Commonwealth has taught me that the most important contact between nations is usually contact between its peoples.我与英联邦国家交往的亲身经历告诉我国家之间最重要的联系通常是人民之间的联系。

An organisation dedicated to certain values, the Commonwealth has flourished and grown by successfully promoting and protecting that contact.该机构提供固定的价值，鼓励和保持成员之间的联系，促进联邦国繁荣和发展。

At home, Prince Philip and I will be visiting towns and cities up and down the land.在国内，菲利普亲王和我将会访问南北方的城市和郡县。

It is my sincere hope that the Diamond Jubilee will be an opportunity for people to come together in a spirit of neighbourliness and celebration of their own communities.我真诚地希望，钻禧典礼将成为人们团结的一个良好契机，传递友善的邻里关系和他们的社区价值。

We also hope to celebrate the professional and voluntary service given by millions of people across the country who are working for the public good.我也希望能够表彰那些在公共领域工作的，来自全国各地自愿提供服务的数百万人民和专家。

They are a source of vital support to the welfare and wellbeing of others, often unseen or overlooked.他们是为公众福祉提供重要支持的源泉，却往往被忽视。

And as we reflect upon public service, let us again be mindful of the remarkable sacrifice and courage of our Armed Forces.我们对公共服务进行思考，让我们再一次注意到我们军队做出的卓越贡献和勇敢。

Much may indeed have changed these past sixty years but the valour of those who risk their lives for the defence and freedom of us all remains undimmed.在过去的六十年里，许多已经改变，但是为了守护国家和我们的自由而献身的勇气会永存。【名人演讲稿——英国女王伊丽莎白二世登基60周年演讲稿（中英文对照）】演讲稿http://。

The happy relationship I have enjoyed with Parliament has extended well beyond the more than three and a half thousand Bills I have signed into law.我和议员之间的愉快关系很好地延续着已经超过我签署3500份法案的时间。

I am therefore very touched by the magnificent gift before me, generously subscribed by many of you.结果我收到了非常壮观的礼物，你们中许多人慷慨地付出了。

Should this beautiful window cause just a little extra colour to shine down upon this ancient place, I should gladly settle for that.如果这扇漂亮的窗户能为这个古老的地方增添色彩，我将为此感到高兴。

We are reminded here of our past, of the continuity of our national story and the virtues of resilience, ingenuity and tolerance which created it.在这里，我们想起过去我们国家的故事，国民的坚韧性、创造力和宽容心。

大学生金融危机演讲稿中英文对照 篇7

It‟s good to be home.My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we‟ve received over the past few weeks.But tonight it‟s my turn to say thanks.Whether we‟ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people – in living rooms and schools;at farms and on factory floors;at diners and on distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going.Every day, I learned from you.You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was;still searching for a purpose to my life.It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills.It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.After eight years as your President, I still believe that.And it‟s not just my belief.It‟s the beating heart of our American idea – our bold experiment in self-government.It‟s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It‟s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing;that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.This is the great gift our Founders gave us.The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.For 240 years, our nation‟s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation.It‟s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom.It‟s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize.It‟s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima;Iraq and Afghanistan – and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.So that‟s what we mean when we say America is exceptional.Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.Yes, our progress has been uneven.The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody.For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back.But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran‟s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high.But that‟s what we did.That‟s what you did.You were the change.You answered people‟s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next.I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me.Because it‟s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.We have what we need to do so.After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth.Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works.Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people.Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.That‟s what I want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.Understand, democracy does not require uniformity.Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same.But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together;that we rise or fall as one.There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity.The beginning of this century has been one of those times.A shrinking world, growing inequality;demographic change and the specter of terrorism – these forces haven‟t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well.And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.In other words, it will determine our future.Our democracy won‟t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity.Today, the economy is growing again;wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again;poverty is falling again.The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records.The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low.The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower.Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years.And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we‟ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – I will publicly support it.That, after all, is why we serve – to make people‟s lives better, not worse.But for all the real progress we‟ve made, we know it‟s not enough.Our economy doesn‟t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class.But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles.While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker;the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend.I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free.But the next wave of economic dislocation won‟t come from overseas.It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.And so we must forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need;to give workers the power to unionize for better wages;to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don‟t avoid their obligations to the country that‟s made their success possible.We can argue about how to best achieve these goals.But we can‟t be complacent about the goals themselves.For if we don‟t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.There‟s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself.After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America.Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic.For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society.I‟ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.But we‟re not where we need to be.All of us have more work to do.After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves.If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don‟t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America‟s workforce.And our economy doesn‟t have to be a zero-sum game.Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system.That‟s what our Constitution and highest ideals require.But laws alone won‟t be enough.Hearts must change.If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.” For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face – the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he‟s got all the advantages, but who‟s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn‟t suddenly vanish in the „60s;that when minority groups voice discontent, they‟re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness;that when they wage peaceful protest, they‟re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles.America wasn‟t weakened by the presence of these newcomers;they embraced this nation‟s creed, and it was strengthened.So regardless of the station we occupy;we have to try harder;to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do;that they value hard work and family like we do;that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.None of this is easy.For too many of us, it‟s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions.The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable.And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that‟s out there.This trend represents a third threat to our democracy.Politics is a battle of ideas;in the course of a healthy debate, we‟ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them.But without some common baseline of facts;without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we‟ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.Isn‟t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we‟re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It‟s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts;it‟s self-defeating.Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.Take the challenge of climate change.In just eight years, we‟ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet.But without bolder action, our children won‟t have time to debate the existence of climate change;they‟ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem.But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations;it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.It‟s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral;the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.It‟s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.That order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam;more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power.The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile.It represents the fear of change;the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently;a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable;an intolerance of dissent and free thought;a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what‟s true and what‟s right.Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years;and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever.We‟ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including Osama bin Laden.The global coalition we‟re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory.ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe.To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.But protecting our way of life requires more than our military.Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear.So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.That‟s why, for the past eight years, I‟ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing.That‟s why we‟ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties.That‟s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans.That‟s why we cannot withdraw from global fights – to expand democracy, and human rights, women‟s rights, and LGBT rights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem.For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression.If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.So let‟s be vigilant, but not afraid.ISIL will try to kill innocent people.But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight.Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.Which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted.All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions.When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote.When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service.When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.And all of this depends on our participation;on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift.But it‟s really just a piece of parchment.It has no power on its own.We, the people, give it power – with our participation, and the choices we make.Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms.Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law.America is no fragile thing.But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service;so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent.We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others;when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy;to embrace the joyous task we‟ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours.Because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen.Ultimately, that‟s what our democracy demands.It needs you.Not just when there‟s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime.If you‟re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life.If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing.If you‟re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself.Show up.Dive in.Persevere.Sometimes you‟ll win.Sometimes you‟ll lose.Presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you.But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire.And more often than not, your faith in America – and in Americans – will be confirmed.Mine sure has been.Over the course of these eight years, I‟ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers.I‟ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charleston church.I‟ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again.I‟ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks.I‟ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways I couldn‟t possibly have imagined.I hope yours has, too.Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2012 – and maybe you still can‟t believe we pulled this whole thing off.You‟re not the only ones.Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you‟ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend.You took on a role you didn‟t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor.You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody.And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model.You‟ve made me proud.You‟ve made the country proud.Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion.You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily.Of all that I‟ve done in my life, I‟m most proud to be your dad.To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware‟s favorite son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best.Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother.We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.To my remarkable staff: For eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – I‟ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism.I‟ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own.Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you.The only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we‟ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you‟ll achieve from here.And to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever be grateful.Because yes, you changed the world.That‟s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I was when we started.Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans;it has inspired so many Americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference;to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves.This generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – I‟ve seen you in every corner of the country.You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America;you know that constant change has been America‟s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward.You‟ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands.My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you.I won‟t stop;in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain.For now, whether you‟re young or young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President – the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.I am asking you to believe.Not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents;that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists;that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice;that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon;a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written: Yes We Can.Yes We Did.Yes We Can.Thank you.God bless you.And may God continue to bless the United States of America.[

中文翻译： 你好，芝加哥！

正如你们所见，我现在是个“跛脚鸭”总统，因为没有人 再听从我的指示。请大家坐下来。

我和米歇尔对于近几周我们收到来自各方的祝福表示十分的感动。今晚，我该向大家说句谢谢了！也许我们未曾见面，也许我们意见不合，但谢谢美国人民对我的真诚。是你们让我成为了一位美国总统，是你们让我成为一个更棒的人。

我二十多岁的时候来到芝加哥，那个时候我还在探求我是谁，人生的意义是什么。那个时候我工作的地方就离现在这里不远，也正是在这几条街道上我意识到了信念的力量和面临林磨难的尊严。在这里，我知道，只有普通人真正融入、团结在一起，我们才可以做出改变。即使在我作为总统的这八年中，我依然坚信。

这不仅只是我的信仰，也是全体美国人的心声。美国的与众不同是我们能变得更好的能力。

权力从一个自由选举的总统向下一任转移的过程是平稳有序的，这是非常重要的。我曾向特朗普承诺，我的政治团队将确保此次换届过程非常平稳，就像当初布什总统把权力交接给我一样。因为，我们每个人首先要保证美国政府未来有能力解决我们现在仍然面临的问题。

在美国历史中，曾经有过几次内部团结被破坏的时候。本世纪初，就是美国社会团结遭到威胁的一个时期。世界各国联系更加紧密，但是社会不平等问题更加突出，恐怖主义的威胁也更加严重。这些因素不仅仅会考验美国的安全和法弄，也对美国的民众体制产生威胁。未来，我们如何迎接这些民主挑战将关系到我们是否能正确教育下一代、继续创造就业岗位并保护美国的国土安全“ 奥巴马告别演讲医疗保险

目前，美国未参保人数比例大幅下降，医疗保健费用增速已将降至过去50年以来最低水平。如果任何人能够提出一项医保政策，并切实证明新政策比上一届政府提出的医保改革更加有效，能够尽可能地以较低价格覆盖广大美国人民，我会公开支持这种新的医保政策。奥巴马告别演讲种族和移民

美国总统大选结束后，一些人认为美国已经进入后种族时代。尽管这种种族融合的愿望是好的，但是却不太可能真正实现。目前，种族问题仍然是一个可能造成社会分裂的重大问题。以我个人经历来看，如今美国社会的种族问题比二十、三十年前有了较大改善，这种社会进步不仅仅体现在统计数字中，也可以从不同政治观念的年轻一代美国人的态度中看出来。

但是，我们的工作还远远没有结束。我们每个人都还有很多工作去做。如果每个经济问题都通过勤劳的美国中产阶级与少数族群之间的冲突来解读，那么各个种族的工人阶级将为一点点剩余的劳动果实争得头破血流，而那些富人会进一步收缩进他们自己的小圈子。如果我们仅仅因为移民后裔长得不像我们，就拒绝给这些孩子投资，那我们也是在牺牲美国人后代的希望，因为这些移民后裔未来会在美国工薪阶层占很大比例。奥巴马告别演讲少数族裔

对于黑人和其他少数族群需要共同奋斗来解决许多美国人面临的问题，这不仅仅包括难民、移民、农村的群人和变性人，也包括那些看上去享受各种社会优待的中年男性白人，因为这些人都面临全社会经济、文化和科技发生重大变革的挑战。

政治是一场观点的较量，这也是民主体制的设计理念。但是，如果每个政治团体没有一些社会共识，不愿意去了解新的信息，不愿意去承认对手方的论点合理，也不愿意通过科学论据理性思考，那么这场辩论中没有人在聆听，双方就不可能产生共识或者妥协。奥巴马告别演讲环境保护

如果我们不采取更加积极的环境保护措施，我们的下一代就没有时间再讨论环境变化是否存在，而是忙于处理环境变化带来的后果，包括自然灾害、经济发展停滞以及环境难民寻求避难等问题。现在，我们能够也应当讨论如何最好地解决环境变化问题。但是，如果我们仅仅否认环境问题存在，这不仅仅是背叛下一代，也背叛了历史先驱们寻求创新并解决实际问题的精神。奥巴马告别演讲恐怖袭击

过去八年中，没有任何一个境外恐怖主义组织成功地在美国本土上计划并执行一次恐怖袭击。尽管美国发生了本土滋生的恐怖主义袭击事件，包括波士顿马拉松炸弹袭击以及圣博娜迪诺袭击事件。对于那些一直坚守在工作岗位上的反恐工作人员，担任你们的指挥官是我一辈子的荣耀。

我反对任何歧视美国穆斯林群体的行为。我们需要更加警惕，但是不需要害怕ISIL组织（伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国）杀害更多无辜的人民。如果我们在斗争中坚守美国宪法和核心精神，他们就无法战胜美国。俄罗斯或者中国等其他国家无法匹敌美国在全球范围内的影响，除非我们自己放弃这种影响力，变成一个只会欺负周边小国的大国。

不论我们属于哪一个党派，我们所有人都应当致力于重建美国的民主政治制度。我们的民主宪法是一项杰出的成就，也是上天赐予的礼物，但是这仅仅是一张纸，宪法本身不具备任何力量。宪法的力量是我们美国人民通过参与选举、做出决议赋予的。

美国人应当成为积极参与政治的公民，让参与政治成为日常生活的一部分，特别是如果一些人对目前美国政治的现状不满的话：“如果你厌倦了与互联网上的陌生人争辩，可以考虑在现实生活中与异见人士辩论。如果你认为一些问题需要被解决，那就采取行动组织力量。如果你对选举出来的政府官员不满意，那就争取其他人的支持来自己竞选。奥巴马告别演讲致谢 米歇尔，过去二十五年中，你不仅仅是我的妻子孩子的母亲，也是我最好的朋友。你担任了一个不是你争取来的职责，但是你的优雅、勇气和幽默都给这个身份烙上了你自己的印记。

(奥巴马转向他的女儿)你们两个女孩聪明、美丽，更重要的是，你们善良而又充满热情。过去几年中，你们没有被聚光灯所累。在我的一生中，我为成为你们的父亲而自豪。

(感谢副总统拜登)从宾州斯克兰顿到特拉华州，你是我当选美国总统后提名的第一个人选，也是我最好的选择。拜登是一个好兄弟，就像家人一样。

(感谢工作人员)你们改变了这个世界。今晚，我将离开这个舞台，但是我对于这个国家比我刚上任时更加乐观.美国民众对国家充满信心

我希望你相信，不仅仅相信我能够为美国带来改变的能力，也相信你自己能够改变这个国家的能力。

希望你们坚信美国建国宪章中记载的精神，相信奴隶和废奴主义者传播的平等观念，相信曾经通过游行争取移民公平权利的精神，相信那些将美利坚旗帜插在海外战场和月球表面的国家信念。这种信念存在于每个普通美国人的心中。